On October 3-4, actions of memory and mourning events dedicated to the 22nd anniversary of the tragic events of October 1993, included in the recent history Russia as "Black October".
ORIGINS OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS
Since Gorbachev's perestroika, Soviet Union began to storm. Traitor liberals did everything to destroy our great Motherland - the USSR. One of them is the former first secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, and then Yeltsin, who penetrated the central bodies of the Central Committee of the CPSU. It was he who in the late 90s, in collusion with Gorbachev, embarked on the path of betrayal of our party and the collapse of the USSR. All our defeats of the USSR - Russia in subsequent years will be associated with his name. Having usurped power in the Russian Federation in 1991, Yeltsin, following the US scenario, began to literally finish off the remnants of everything Soviet. And, above all, there was the question of power. The fact is that according to the Constitution of 1978, according to which the Russian Federation then lived, the Supreme Council was an organ of the Congress people's deputies Russian Federation (the highest authority) and still had enormous power and authority, despite the amendments to the Constitution on the division of power. 
American consultants urged Yeltsin to adopt a new Constitution as soon as possible, according to which it was proposed to transfer all power to the president of the country. The deputy corps strictly adhered to the letter of the Law on the separation of the branches of power, including in terms of control over the executive branch. In 1992-1993, a constitutional crisis erupted in the country. President Yeltsin and his supporters entered into a fierce confrontation with the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. The conflict was connected with the future fate of the country. Yeltsin's team stood for the capitalist path of the country's development, and the Supreme Soviet defended the Soviet system.
THE CRISIS WORKS
The crisis entered its active phase on September 21, 1993, when Boris Yeltsin announced in a televised address that he had issued a Decree on a phased constitutional reform, according to which the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet were to cease their activities. He was supported by the Council of Ministers headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov.
However, according to the current Constitution of 1978, the president did not have the authority to dissolve the Supreme Council and the Congress. His actions were regarded as unconstitutional. The Supreme Soviet decided to terminate the powers of President Yeltsin. Ruslan Khasbulatov (Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation) even called his actions a "coup d'état".
In the following weeks, the conflict only escalated. Members of the Supreme Council and people's deputies actually found themselves blocked in the parliament building, where communications and electricity were cut off, there was no water. The building was cordoned off by police and military personnel. Opposition volunteers were given weapons to guard the Council House.
The situation of dual power could not continue for too long and eventually led to riots, armed clashes and the shooting of the House of Soviets.
On October 3, supporters of the Supreme Council gathered for a rally on October Square, then moved to the House of Soviets and unblocked it. Vice-President Alexander Rutskoi called on his supporters to storm the mayor's office on Novy Arbat and Ostankino. The city hall building was seized by armed demonstrators, but when they tried to get into the television center, a tragedy broke out.
To defend the television center in Ostankino, a detachment of special forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs "Vityaz" arrived. An explosion occurred in the ranks of the fighters, from which Private Nikolai Sitnikov died.
After that, the "Knights" began to shoot at the crowd of supporters of the Supreme Council, who had gathered near the television center. Broadcasting of all TV channels from Ostankino was interrupted, only one channel remained on the air, broadcasting from another studio. An attempt to storm the television center was unsuccessful and led to the death of a number of demonstrators, military personnel, journalists and random people.
The next day, October 4, troops loyal to President Yeltsin stormed the House of Soviets. Tanks began firing at him. A fire broke out in the building, due to which the facade was half blackened. Shots of shelling then spread around the world.
Onlookers gathered to watch the execution of the House of Soviets, who put themselves in danger, because they fell into the field of view of snipers located on neighboring houses.
During the day, the defenders of the Supreme Council began to leave the building en masse, and by the evening they stopped resisting. Opposition leaders, including Khasbulatov and Rutskoi, were arrested. In 1994, the participants in these events were amnestied.
The tragic events of late September - early October 1993 claimed the lives of more than 150 people, about 400 people were injured. Among the dead were journalists who covered what was happening, and many ordinary citizens. October 7, 1993 was declared a day of mourning.
CHRONICLE OF MAIN EVENTS
October 3
14:00 . A banned rally in support of the Supreme Soviet (SC) began on Oktyabrskaya (now Kaluga) Square. Soon, its participants moved to the White House (BD) and, breaking through the police cordons, lifted its blockade.
15:00 . Alexander Rutskoi called from the balcony of the database to storm the mayor's office and Ostankino, his supporters began to form combat detachments.
15:10 . President Boris Yeltsin flew to the Kremlin by helicopter.
16:00 . A crowd of defenders of the Armed Forces, led by General Albert Makashov, stormed the city hall.
18:00 . Yeltsin signed decrees on the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow and on the release of Alexander Rutskoy from his duties as vice president.
19:00 . A rally of supporters of the president began near the Moscow City Council. Near Ostankino, Albert Makashov demanded that the military guarding the building surrender their weapons, and an assault began.
19:26 . Announcer "Ostankino" announced the cessation of broadcasting.
20:45 . Yegor Gaidar on television called on Yeltsin's supporters to gather near the Moscow City Council building.
21:30 . Viktor Chernomyrdin held a meeting with vice-premiers and ministers. A command post has been set up to maintain order.
22:10 . The Tamanskaya, Tula and Kantemirovskaya divisions entered the city.
23:00 . An attempt to take Ostankino was unsuccessful, Albert Makashov gave the order to retreat to the database. During the assault, 46 people were killed.
The 4th of October
4:30-5:00 . At a meeting in the Kremlin, a decision was made to storm the database. The President signed a decree "On urgent measures to ensure the state of emergency in the city of Moscow." The movement of equipment, troops and police to the database began.
8:00 . Armored personnel carriers and infantry fighting vehicles began to shoot at the barricades near the parliament building, opened aimed fire at the windows of the database. The paratroopers of the Tula division began to approach the building.
09:00 . Boris Yeltsin announced on TV that "the armed rebellion will be put down."
9:20 . Tanks from the Novoarbatsky bridge opened fire on the upper floors of the database, a fire started.
14:00 . After negotiations between a group of deputies and Defense Minister Pavel Grachev, the shelling stopped temporarily. The first ones to surrender left the database.
15:00 . The shelling of policemen and civilians began from the buildings around the database. Orenburg OMON returned fire.
16:45 . A massive exit of people began from the database, the troops began cleaning up the building.
18:00 . Government forces took control of a significant part of the territory of the BD. The leadership of the defenders of the database was arrested, including Alexander Rutskoy, Ruslan Khasbulatov and Albert Makashov.
AFTER OCTOBER
The events of October 1993 led to the fact that the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies ceased to exist. The system of state bodies, left over from the times of the USSR, was completely eliminated. Before the elections to the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, all power was in the hands of President Boris Yeltsin.
On December 12, 1993, a popular vote on the new Constitution and elections to the State Duma and the Federation Council were held.
AFTERWORD
Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov: “October 4 is a tragic day that will forever remain in the heart of every honest and worthy person. On this day, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR was shot from tank guns, and our friends, true patriots, were crushed with caterpillars. They shot down the great Soviet power, which ensured the dominance of labor over capital and gave our citizens magnificent social guarantees.
Yeltsin and his accomplices understood perfectly well that in order to plunder the country, they would first have to shoot the Soviet government. The fact is that the Soviets, which were rooted in the masses, had enormous control over all executive structures. The soviets everywhere ensured broad representation of all working people in the legislative bodies. Workers and peasants, teachers and doctors, engineers and military. Yeltsin's first step was to destroy popular control. Then three times that year he tried to seize power, but none of this succeeded.
This exemplary execution was planned by Yeltsin's foreign accomplices. They set up television cameras in advance and demonstrated to the whole world how Russians were shooting Russians from tank guns in the center of Moscow. Greater insanity is hard to imagine.
Unfortunately, even today, even 22 years after that terrible tragedy, there are still attempts to justify unjustified violence on television and in the media. Former supporters of Yeltsin say that after the shooting of the House of Soviets, a constitution appeared that allows us to live peacefully and with dignity today. But this is not a constitution, but a plastic bag that was put on the head of the country and continues to mercilessly strangle it.
The Russian constitution was prepared by Yeltsin's accomplices, they rewrote it from the American, French and German constitutions. Only in those constitutions there are many levers that provide control over the executive branch. And the Russian constitution made it possible to concentrate all power in the hands of a man who even managed himself poorly. Russian President according to the current constitution, he appoints everyone, controls everyone, rewards everyone, favors everyone, and at the same time he himself is not responsible for anything. There are no such constitutions anywhere else in the world. As before, this constitution is not a guarantor, but is the roof that destroys the last foundations of democracy, alienating the people from power and forcing them to endless misery.
After the execution of the House of Soviets in 1993, Russia essentially became a mandated territory. We pay an unprecedented tribute. Even the Tatar-Mongols took only a tithe from the yard. And last year, our resources were sold: oil, gas, gold, diamonds, metals - for 16 trillion rubles, of which only about 6 trillion ended up in the state treasury. The remaining 10 trillion were taken into pockets and plundered by the Russian and foreign oligarchy. We tried to ask them three times. We asked them in 1996, then we failed to complete this matter. For the first time in history, we impeached Yeltsin. Our entire faction, without exception, voted that Yeltsin was guilty and a criminal on five main counts. For the Belovezhskaya collusion. For the execution of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. For the murder of more than 100 thousand people in Chechnya. For the genocide of the Russian and other peoples. For the collapse of our economy, the undermining of the country's defense capability and the destruction of the military-industrial complex.
Then the representatives of Yeltsin were running around the Duma and raging. For each vote against impeachment, they gave 10-20 thousand dollars, but none of the communists broke down and betrayed. But they still dragged through the decisions they needed with only 16 votes.
The Communists prepared 22 volumes. All atrocities and crimes are investigated. A ballistic examination was carried out, which proved that not a single person was killed from the weapons that were in the House of Soviets. All were killed from the weapons of Yeltsin's mercenaries. No matter how much the rope twists, the end will still be. Everyone who then committed this crime will sooner or later answer for it. Either God will punish them, or the children will curse. By the way, those who fired from tank guns were later captured in Chechnya. Their fate was simply terrible.
Materials prepared by the editors of the newspaper "Communist of Crimea"
We also bring to your attention about the tragic events of October 1993, prepared by the KPRF.TV team
The confrontation between the two branches that has lasted since the collapse of the USSR Russian authorities- executive in the person of Russian President Boris Yeltsin and legislative in the form of parliament (Supreme Council (SC) of the RSFSR), headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, around the pace of reforms and methods of building a new state, October 3-4, 1993 and ended with a tank shelling of the residence of the parliament - the House of Soviets (White House).
According to the conclusion of the State Duma Commission for additional study and analysis of the events that took place in the city of Moscow on September 21 - October 5, 1993, the initial cause and grave consequences of them were the preparation and publication by Boris Yeltsin of Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of September 21 No. 1400 "On a phased constitutional reform in Russian Federation", voiced in his televised address to the citizens of Russia on September 21, 1993 at 20.00. The Decree, in particular, ordered to interrupt the implementation of legislative, administrative and control functions by the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, not to convene the Congress of People's Deputies, and also to terminate the powers of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation.
30 minutes after Yeltsin's televised announcement, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet (SC) Ruslan Khasbulatov spoke on television. He qualified Yeltsin's actions as a coup d'état.
On the same day at 22.00, at an emergency meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, a resolution was adopted "On the immediate termination of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation BN Yeltsin."
At the same time, an emergency session of the Constitutional Court (CC) began under the chairmanship of Valery Zorkin. The court concluded that this decree violates the Constitution and is the basis for the dismissal of President Yeltsin from office. After the conclusion of the Constitutional Court was delivered to the Supreme Council, it, continuing its meeting, adopted a resolution entrusting the execution of presidential powers to Vice President Alexander Rutskoy. The country entered an acute political crisis.
On September 23, at 22.00, the Extraordinary (Extraordinary) Tenth Congress of People's Deputies opened in the building of the Armed Forces. By order of the government, the telephone and electricity in the building were cut off. The congress participants voted for the termination of Yeltsin's powers and instructed Vice President Alexander Rutskoi to act as president. The congress appointed the main "power ministers" - Viktor Barannikov, Vladislav Achalov and Andrei Dunaev.
To protect the building of the Armed Forces, additional security units were formed from volunteers, whose members, by special permission, were issued firearms belonging to the Armed Forces Security Department.
On September 27, the building of the Supreme Council was surrounded by a solid cordon of police officers and military personnel of the internal troops, a barbed wire fence was installed around the building. people pass, Vehicle(including ambulances), food and medicine inside the cordon zone was effectively stopped.
On September 29, President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Chernomyrdin demanded that Khasbulatov and Rutskoy withdraw people from the White House and hand over their weapons by October 4.
On October 1, in the St. Danilov Monastery, through the mediation of Patriarch Alexy II, negotiations began between representatives of the governments of Russia and Moscow and the Supreme Council. Electricity was turned on in the building of the Supreme Council, water began to flow.
At night, a protocol was signed in the mayor's office on a phased "removal of the sharpness of the confrontation", which became the result of negotiations.
On October 2, at 13:00, a rally of supporters of the Armed Forces began on Smolenskaya Square in Moscow. Demonstrators clashed with police and riot police. During the riots, the Garden Ring near the Foreign Ministry building was blocked for several hours.
On October 3, the conflict took on an avalanche-like character. The opposition rally, which began at 2 pm on October Square, gathered tens of thousands of people. Having broken through the OMON barriers, the rally participants moved to the White House and unblocked it.
At about 4 pm Alexander Rutskoi called from the balcony to storm the mayor's office and Ostankino.
By 5:00 pm, the demonstrators stormed several floors of the City Hall building. When the cordon was broken in the area of the Moscow mayor's office, police officers used firearms against the demonstrators to kill.
Around 19.00, the assault on the Ostankino television center began. At 19.40 all TV channels interrupted transmissions. After a short break, the second channel went on the air, working from a backup studio. An attempt by the demonstrators to take over the television center was unsuccessful.
At 10:00 pm, Boris Yeltsin's decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow and the release of Rutskoi from the duties of vice president of the Russian Federation was broadcast on television. The entry of troops into Moscow began.
On October 4, at 7:30 a.m., the operation to sweep the White House began. Large-caliber weapons are being fired. At about 10:00, the tanks began shelling the building of the Armed Forces, causing a fire there.
At about 13.00, the defenders of the Armed Forces began to leave, the wounded began to be carried out of the parliament building.
Around 18.00, the defenders of the White House announced the end of resistance. Alexander Rutskoi, Ruslan Khasbulatov and other leaders of the armed resistance of supporters of the Supreme Soviet were arrested.
At 19.30, the Alpha group took under guard and evacuated from the building 1,700 journalists, employees of the Armed Forces apparatus, residents of the city and deputies.
According to the conclusions of the State Duma Commission, according to a rough estimate, in the events of September 21 - October 5, 1993, about 200 people were killed or died from their injuries and at least 1000 people received injuries or other bodily injuries of varying severity.
The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources
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Gazeta.Ru completes the historical online reconstruction of the events of October 4, 1993 in Moscow and wishes all Russians that nothing like this ever happens again.
The winners gathered for a gala dinner in the Kremlin. The head of the GUO, Barsukov, presented Yeltsin with a trophy - Khasbulatov's clay pipe found in his office. However, the president did not appreciate the gift and threw the valuable thing at the wall. Many participants in the storming of the White House were awarded high awards. The leaders of the Supreme Council were released from Lefortovo in February 1994 by decision of the State Duma. In the future, everyone settled well in the new realities.
The tragic events that took place 25 years ago are reminded today of the people's memorials at the White House, which are looked after by both the participants in the defense and the relatives of the victims.
Yeltsin issues decree No. 1580 "On additional measures to ensure the state of emergency in Moscow." There is a curfew from 23:00 to 05:00.
According to official figures, 74 people were killed on the day of October 4, 26 of them were soldiers and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. 172 participants in the conflict were injured. As a result of the fire, the floors of the White House from the 12th to the 20th were completely destroyed. Approximately 30% of the total area of the building was destroyed.
Single shooters continue to fire from the roofs and attics of houses in Krasnaya Presnya and Novy Arbat.
There is a massive explosion in the White House. The flames do not go out. "Alpha" helps to evacuate the remaining people from the building. At the same time, beatings of deputies are taking place in the surrounding courtyards and entrances.
The leader of the Democratic Party, Nikolay Travkin, is making a statement.
The Supreme Council was supposed to dissolve itself immediately after the April referendum, in which the people refused to trust him, he said. However, exorbitant personal ambitions led the leadership of the abolished Armed Forces and former vice-president Alexander Rutskoy to political and moral collapse. In a situation where blood has been shed through the fault of Khasbulatov and Rutskoi and they have driven themselves into a corner, the government must use all means to stop further bloodshed.”
Almost all the leaders of the White House, who were inside the building at the time of the assault, were detained. Baburin was arrested, while Anpilov managed to escape. He was sent to prison only on 7 October.
In his book and numerous later interviews, Korzhakov claimed that he had received a special assignment from Yeltsin - to eliminate Khasbulatov and Rutskoi. The leaders of the White House themselves had such information - they referred, however, to Erin. In any case, the security forces failed to comply with the order. Khasbulatov and Rutskoi did not resist the arrest, they were in the thick of the deputies.
“Only Khasbulatov, Rutskoy and the security ministers were taken away by bus. The rest were left to be torn apart by riot police and thugs from security business structures, armed formations of extremist persuasion, and so on,” deputy Polozkov described. - By analogy with the Chilean events of 1973, Yeltsin, like Pinochet, had his own stadium, located not far from the White House. There, many defenders were shot and the corpses were taken away in buses, laying them in piles. They also took away the living to the police units.”
According to Polozkov, the official figure of 146 dead is "absolutely untrue." The deputy is convinced that at least 2,000 people died, which is indirectly confirmed by the data on unidentified corpses, which in 1993 exceed the neighboring 1992 and 1994 exactly by that much.
Interchange. The chairman of the Khasbulat Supreme Soviet, as well as Rutskoi and Makashov, were arrested. The leaders are clearly confused and mentally preparing for the worst. This is how Alexander Korzhakov, who was directly involved in the event, recalled the procedure for the detention of the leadership of the Armed Forces. “The inspection procedure lasted more than an hour. An Alpha officer came up to me and reported: downstairs, in the lobby of the front entrance, there were Rutskoi and Khasbulatov. Nobody knows what to do with them. They stood in the middle of a group of deputies and did not come out themselves. They are afraid to take them by force.
I went down to the first floor. I did not meet Barsukov there. At that time, he was engaged in sending the detained generals - Barannikov, Achalov, Dunaev to the pre-trial detention center. I even managed to talk privately with Barannnikov: they say, how did he come to such a life that he entered into an open armed struggle with the president.
The bus pulled up. I approached the deputies and said in a metallic voice:
Khasbulatov and Rutskoi, please come out.
The answer is silence. About a hundred people stood quietly, not moving. Everyone's faces are depressed, the eyelids are lowered. After a few seconds of hesitation, they parted hesitantly and released the former Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and the Vice President.
Rutskoi's head of security approached me and asked me to wait a bit:
- Alexander Vasilievich, excuse me, please, now the employees went to get his things, to the office.
Rutskoi understood that he would be taken to prison, and ordered in advance to pack his things. Soon they really brought such a huge trunk that I thought the general had rolled a mattress into it.
Khasbulatov was without things. He behaved with dignity. He did not hide his eyes, only looked too emaciated and unusually pale.
None of the deputies smelled of alcohol, and their appearance seemed neat enough to me.
Rutskoi, without raising his eyes, entered the bus. In the crowd, I noticed General Makashov. Ordered:
Take the bus and Makashova at the same time.
According to the Decree of the President, the instigators of the riots could be detained for thirty days - for resisting. Under the leadership of these people, they destroyed the television center, the mayor's office, and made a mess in the White House. In addition, a separate presidential order was signed to arrest Rutskoi and Khasbulatov.
The detainees were sent to the Lefortovo prison.
The arrest of the power ministers of the Supreme Council - Vyacheslav Achalov, Viktor Barannikov and Andrei Dunaev.
Yeltsin's supporters gather outside the Moscow City Council building. There spontaneously rallies and celebrate the victory. Speakers are the leaders of "Democratic Russia" Lev Ponomarev and Gleb Yakunin. The first one calls for responding with violence to the possible violence of the supporters of the Armed Forces in the upcoming elections. The second promises to ensure that each Yeltsin supporter is given 15 acres of land.
About 100 people remain in the White House, including defense leaders. Separate groups of armed people make their way through the fighting. Shots are heard on Novy Arbat, the editorial office of the Moskovskaya Pravda newspaper, the linear department of the transport police of the Oktyabrskaya Railway, are being shelled. Separate pockets of confrontation will flare up throughout Moscow over the next day. Armed supporters of the Armed Forces and snipers are well aware that in the event of an arrest, they will not be spared, unlike civilians.
The press secretary of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions Alexander Segal and the deputies of the Moscow City Council Boris Kagarlitsky and Vladimir Kondratov are being detained.
All defenders of the White House capitulated. Khasbulatov, Rutskoi and Makashov surrender, but they are in no hurry to leave the building. They demand guarantees of their own security from Western European ambassadors accredited in Russia.
Alexander Rutskoi addressed the pilots on the journalist's cell phone live on Ekho Moskvy:
“If the pilots hear me, raise the combat vehicles! This gang has settled in the Kremlin and in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and from there it manages. I am begging you! Save the dying people. Save a dying democracy."
And yet most did not escape the beatings. This is how the people's deputy described the process of leaving the White House Vladimir Isakov:“We were kept on the stairs until dark. And then they offered to walk to the nearest metro station. A chain of people reached for a complex of residential buildings on Krasnopresnenskaya embankment. One of them has a studio. We had to go through it, presenting things for inspection - for the lack of weapons.
It was then that it turned out that they would not let us leave just like that ... They pushed me out into the corridor, and then into the yard. Shouts, mat: "Run, ***!" A hefty riot policeman grabs my shoulder and shouts “Hold the deputy!” - pushes into some kind of entrance.
And immediately - a blow to the head. Instinctively I grab my glasses. Blood floods the face. Blows are pouring in from the right, from the left ... Mat. Shouts: “Privatized the apartment, get it!” They hit in a bunch, pushing and interfering with each other. Disgustingly reeks of fumes. Finally, one guessed: “Well, move away!” Pushing the others aside, he swings his machine gun and tries to hit him in the groin, I dodge - he sits his leg up to the knee with the butt. They rip off the deputy's badge, try to fix it on my forehead, on a fresh bruise. Someone hits the bag so that it bursts: papers - documents of the Congress are flying like a fan on the floor. A moment of confusion - they did not expect this. I try to persuade: “What are you doing ... I taught laws to people like you at the university ...” With a throw, they push me upstairs, to the stairwell.
From the stairwell, the same staircase leads down to the second exit from the entrance. They also beat her. I see a massive figure of Ivan Shashviashvili nearby - he is being "processed" by several riot police at once. They beat women - Svetlana Goryacheva, Irina Vinogradova.
I hear Sazha Umalatova's piercing cry: “Stop! Stop it! From the thick of people, riot policemen catch and take away a guy in uniform military trousers somewhere. According to many testimonies, they were shot.
Finally, having had fun, we (a group of six people) are pushed out of the entrance. The street is brightly lit - we understand that it is impossible to pass along it. Having slipped along the wall, we dive into the saving darkness of the arch, into the depths of the quarter. But even there, surprises are prepared. The riot police sat behind the bushes, who were chasing people trying to hide from corner to corner in bursts. At the entrances - waiting for the group "to finish off." Heart-rending screams are heard from there - the riot police are "having fun" ...
The extremely positive role of Alpha in the events, unlike other units, was subsequently noted by many participants in the defense of the White House. And here is what he noted in his book “Privatization according to Chubais. Voucher scam. Execution of the Parliament” People's Deputy Sergei Polozkov.
“If it weren’t for Alfa,” the guys said, we wouldn’t exist. Indeed, the Alphas, despite the fact that their comrade was killed, decided not to follow the order, but to ensure the withdrawal of people from the White House, and used weapons only when they tried to counteract this, ”wrote the parliamentarian.
The commanders of "Alpha" and "Vympel" are trying to negotiate with the leaders of the Supreme Council on a peaceful surrender. Alpha guarantees the safety of the White House defenders despite the murder of their officer. 100 people leave the building along with a commando. They are promised to be released and escorted to the nearest working metro station. The detachment's employees protect the supporters of the parliament from the riot police, who are eager to crack down on their opponents. Vympel refused to carry out the assault order, as a result of which it will undergo reorganization in the near future.
Many of the direct participants in the October 1993 events are alive and willingly share their memories. Columnist for Gazeta.Ru Alexander Bratersky spoke with one of the leaders of the street protests, a people's deputy, an active supporter of the president and the Prosecutor General of Russia at that time.
Alexander Rutskoi in his memoirs ranked unknown snipers as part of the Presidential Security Service. In the press of the mid-1990s, depending on her views, these killers were called “Rutskoy's snipers” or “Korzhakov's snipers”. One thing is known for sure: dozens of people became victims of the shooters, most of them who managed to escape and evade justice.
Sniper fire does not subside, which greatly hinders the de-escalation of the conflict. Now unknown shooters are working on the roofs of buildings opposite the Oktyabr cinema.
The commander of one of the regiments of the Tamanskaya division, whose units are stationed in the building of the Mir Hotel, draws the attention of journalists to teenage marauders. The youth is trying to take possession of the weapons left by the dead and wounded.
More and more reinforcements of government forces are being drawn to the White House. Finally believing in a quick victory, Yeltsin leaves the Kremlin for home - to rest.
At a meeting of the heads of the subjects of the federation in the building of the Constitutional Court, a statement was adopted demanding to stop the assault on the White House and resume negotiations between Yeltsin and the Supreme Council
Presidents of Kalmykia and Ingushetia Kirsan Ilyumzhinov and Ruslan Aushev entered the building of the Supreme Council under a white flag to meet with Ruslan Khasbulatov and Alexander Rutskoi. The defenders reported more than 500 dead. A large number of corpses was confirmed by Ilyumzhinov. According to Aushev, they managed to bring out 12 women and a child.
According to Korzhakov, who later investigated the identity of the snipers, many of them came from Transnistria.
Details of the tragedy are given in his book"Boris Yeltsin: from dawn to dusk" head of the SBP Alexander Korzhakov.
“The territory around the White House was divided into conditional sections. Paratroopers were responsible for one section, the Ministry of Internal Affairs for another, and Alfa for the third. Barsukov (head of the GUO. - "Gazeta.Ru") contacted Erin (Minister of the Interior. - "Gazeta.Ru"), he immediately sent four BMDs with soldier drivers. To the question: "Are there any volunteers?" Eight people responded. Young, thin-necked drivers were replaced by "Alfis". We got into cars and drove to the White House. Ten minutes later, a message comes on the radio: Gennady Sergeev, a thirty-year-old junior lieutenant, the one who first suggested transferring to the BMD, was killed. They shot him stupidly. He got out of the armored car and wanted to pick up a seriously wounded paratrooper. I leaned over him, and the sniper's bullet hit the lower back, under the bulletproof vest, ”the lieutenant general describes the murder of an officer.
State of emergency! Alfa junior lieutenant Gennady Sergeev was killed by sniper fire. A 29-year-old officer was mortally wounded when he got out of the BMP and tried to pick up the wounded man lying on the ground. The shot did not come from the White House, but from the opposite direction.
Sergeev was not supposed to be at the Supreme Council at all, since he was on vacation. But he responded to the events and arrived in his unit. On October 7, Yeltsin posthumously awarded the officer the title of Hero of Russia.
After the murder of Sergeev, Alpha cast aside doubts and went to seize the building. This event predetermined the denouement.
The flow of people never stops. Basically, these are simple defenders and random people - for example, from a peacekeeping delegation that entered the White House the day before. There are no recognizable persons, let alone the leaders of the Supreme Council, among those leaving. Everyone is carefully inspected and forbidden to disperse. A corpse is being taken out of the building.
A massive exodus of defenders begins from the White House, mostly civilians, many of them women. People come out in groups with an interval of several minutes. Many security officials meet the supporters of the Supreme Council with extremely hostility. Ten militiamen who supported the parliament and now surrendered are especially hated. They were searched and left standing with their hands raised behind their heads.
“Goats! Take off their epaulettes!” resounds in the crowd.
The detainees are taken to Luzhniki and placed in the Druzhba sports complex.
Government troops again and again offer the besieged to cease fire and surrender. However, some defenders continue to resist. From the White House, automatic bursts are heard in return. Among the riot police there are dead and injured.
The situation in the city was delayed by the work of the Moscow metro. The sections "Bagrationovskaya" - "Alexandrovsky Sad", "Park Kultury" - "Belorusskaya" are closed, the stations "Ulitsa 1905 Goda", "Barrikadnaya" do not work for entry and exit. Of the three Kievskaya stations, only the one on the Arbatsko-Pokrovskaya line operates.
In parallel with the events, a sniper war takes place. The security forces fail to suppress enemy firing points. Strelkov - there are many supporters of the Supreme Council. Snipers occupied the upper floors of buildings at the intersection of Novy Arbat and Sadovoye Koltso. In fear of catching a bullet, onlookers, of which there are a lot, hide in the underpass. New wounded appear, including among journalists. The offices of RIA Novosti and ITAR-TASS in the White House were destroyed by tank shells.
The television center in Ostankino resumes work. The building is guarded by armored personnel carriers. A group of pro-government people's deputies addresses their colleagues in the White House.
“The rabid adherents of Soviet totalitarianism stained the society with blood and bandit pogroms,” the appeal says. “Innocent blood is shed in the name of adventurous ambitions. Our children, relatives and friends are in danger. Our Fatherland is in danger. Time for long discussions is over. It's time to make decisions."
The Moscow Federation of Trade Unions makes a special statement.
“The gloomy forecasts for the deepening of the political crisis in Russia, unfortunately, came true. The civil war, not in words, but in deeds, is knocking at our homes. The blood of citizens, OMON and police officers was shed on the streets of the city. The severity and severity of the political conflict again fell on the shoulders of Muscovites and the working people of the capital. We appeal to the warring parties, the leaders of the country and the city: to provide the necessary conditions for the peaceful life of citizens as soon as possible, stop the bloodshed and eliminate the facts of gross violence. We appeal to all Muscovites and labor collectives with a request to observe prudence and restraint, not to succumb to the provocations of extremists. Let's stop civil war in Moscow!" - said in an appeal to the people.
The security forces are cleaning up the neighborhoods adjacent to the White House. Shots are heard near the building of the Sovincenter (now the World Trade Center) and the American embassy. Some police officers act especially cruelly. Thus, the guards of the President of Kalmykia Kirsan Ilyumzhinov were subjected to severe beatings, they were put face down on the asphalt and kicked. Law enforcement officers considered Ilyumzhinov himself a supporter of the Supreme Council, although the politician served as a peacekeeper and urged the government to stop the shelling. “Now you don’t need to look for the guilty, you just need to do everything to stop the blood. Today the White House will be drowned out by tanks and helicopters, and tomorrow - all regions. Today, behind the barbed wire, the White House, tomorrow - Kalmykia, the day after tomorrow - all of Russia. At the end of the 20th century, it is unacceptable to solve political problems with tanks and helicopters. I do not understand the position of the West, which supports this massacre, ”Ilyumzhinov told reporters.
In the editorial offices of the newspapers "Soviet Russia" and "Working Tribune" militiamen with machine guns break in. Publication has been discontinued.
Supporters of the Supreme Council, who are in the former CMEA building (mayor's office), are trying to break through to the White House. The 15th floor is in full swing there. There are wounded civilians, who, however, are afraid to go outside. Ambulances pull up to the building. Tires, tires and watering machines are burning on Svodobnaya Rossiya Square.
All this time, the Alpha fighters have only been watching the events near the White House, but they hardly interfere. Alpha commanders come to Yeltsin's supporters. A number of officers consider what is happening unconstitutional and require the conclusion of the Constitutional Court to carry out the order. Assistants had to urgently wake up the president, who spoke to the special forces. Silence followed the question of whether Alpha would carry out the order...
Yeltsin went to sleep in a back room.
The appeal of famous artists who spoke on the side of President Yeltsin is broadcast on TV. Actors Liya Akhedzhakova, Mikhail Zhigalov, Sergey Zhigunov, Nikita Dzhigurda and singer Yuri Loza gathered at the table in the studio. The most emotional of them all is Akhedzhakova, who is distinguished by high political activity in our time. “The Motherland is in danger, do not sleep! We are threatened with terrible things, the communists will come again! - the actress warns the Russians.
Soldiers of the Taman division continue to consolidate in the building. The fights have already moved to the level of the fifth floor. Individual defenders of the White House are beginning to surrender. Healthy supporters of the Supreme Council leaving the building have their hands tied. Feeling the demoralization of the enemy, the government military turn on the loudspeakers. “Drop your weapons, surrender. Otherwise, you will be destroyed."- admonish opponents.
Summary from the Main Medical Directorate: 192 victims were treated in Moscow hospitals, 158 people were hospitalized, 18 died of wounds.
Another tragic news. Right before the eyes of journalists, government snipers killed a supporter of the Supreme Council with a grenade in his hand, who was on the roof of the city hall (the former CMEA building). Judging by appearance the guy hasn't reached adulthood yet...
Communists don't give up! Left forces gather for a rally at the Lenin Museum (today - the building of the State Historical Museum).
Acting Minister of Justice Yuri Kalmykov issues an order to suspend the activities of organizations that have taken the side of the Supreme Council. Among others, these are Stanislav Terekhov's Union of Officers, Viktor Anpilov's Labor Russia, and even the Communist Party of the Russian Federation! By the way, the leader of the Russian Communists, Gennady Zyuganov, does not take an active part in the events of October 3-4. He is neither on the barricades nor in the White House. This fact is still remembered by Zyuganov. The most zealous supporters of the Supreme Council even hint at cowardice or "betrayal"...
The Constitutional Court held a closed session. They are trying to determine how legitimate the actions of both opposing sides are. It is no secret that in the presidential camp the head of the Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, is considered too loyal to the Supreme Council. Actually, on October 6, due to the pressure of the winners, he will have to leave his post in order to triumphantly return under Vladimir Putin. In the meantime, Zorkin, in coalition with Patriarch Alexy II, is making efforts to end the violence in the Russian capital. Both peacekeepers are holding telephone conversations with Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and the dismissed Vice President (according to the Sun - President) Alexander Rutskoi.
The gunfight intensifies. Government troops occupied the first two floors. Fights are going on at the level of the third and fourth floors. From broken windows pouring black smoke. Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council Yury Voronin, Rutsk appointed Minister of Defense Vyacheslav Achalov, and Orthodox priest Father Nikon call on the troops to cease fire and start negotiations using a walkie-talkie seized from policemen the day before. However, the cannonade does not stop. Then the defenders of the White House ask for the opportunity to leave the building for women and children. The military agrees to this. For a few minutes the fire was stopped, infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers form a corridor. It was not possible to implement the plan - the operation to withdraw people fell through due to the renewed firefight.
According to the memoirs of Yegor Gaidar, cited in the book Days of Defeats and Victories, 10 blanks and 2 incendiary shells were fired at the White House. According to official data from the Ministry of Defense, the tanks fired two armor-piercing sub-caliber and ten high-explosive fragmentation shells. The then head of the department, Pavel Grachev, stated in an interview with Forbes in 2012 that only blanks were used.
"I say, 'I propose to scare them.' “I will bring the tank to direct fire and inert piz ... well, several times. They will run away on their own. At least they will go down into the basements, the snipers will also run away after these shells, and there, in the basements, we will look for them. "Good". Well, I take the tank to this stone bridge near the "Ukraine", I go up to the tank myself, put the captain as a gunner-operator, a senior lieutenant as a driver, I go up to the tank, the bullets just clatter - clatter, clatter, clatter, clatter . At the end, I think they will not get it. I say: “Guys, do you see the roofs? Count down. One, two, three, four, five, six, seventh window. This is supposedly Khasbulatov's office, they are there. You have to get there, through the window. "Are there shells?" - "Combat or such?" - “What kind of combat? Are you crazy? Let's have the pigs." - "Good".
And there are already a lot of people downstairs. In our country, onlookers love the way they came to the theater. I say: “Guys, look, you won’t get in, the people will die. Then everything will be torn apart.” I say to the captain: “Will you get it?” "I'll get in! Just think, less than a kilometer.” “Did you see, from behind, the American embassy? Look, you bang at the embassy, there will be a scandal. "Comrade Minister, everything will be fine." Well, I say: "Fire, one." I look, the first one - bang, just flew through the window. I say: "Are there any more?" "There is". "Here are five more fugitives, fire!" He is dum dum dum. Look, everything is on fire. Nice. All at once, the snipers from the roofs instantly fled, as if brushed away by hand. Well, when the snipers were brushed off, the tanks finished their firing, I gave the command to the 119th regiment to storm. They opened the doors, they shot there. Well, of course, I had nine killed, there was shooting inside, but they put a lot of them ... Nobody counted them simply. A lot," Grachev said.
Meanwhile, the lower floors of the White House are being shot from heavy machine guns. The elements of the decoration of the rooms are burning. Armored vehicles shoot at people. The fighters of the attacking side approach the building in short dashes, gradually seizing bridgehead after bridgehead.
Yeltsin addresses the Russians through TV. He calls the current moment "a difficult moment." The President looks very tired on the screen. It looks like he managed to get a couple of hours of sleep. In his message, Yeltsin calls the events in Moscow an "armed rebellion."
“Shots are heard and blood is shed in the capital of Russia,” Yeltsin hardly reads the text from a piece of paper. - Militants brought in from all over the country, incited by the leadership of the White House, sow death and destruction. I know that for many of you this night was sleepless. I know that you understand everything. This disturbing and tragic night taught us a lot. We didn't prepare for war. We hoped that it would be possible to reach an agreement, to keep peace in the capital. Those who went against a peaceful city and unleashed a bloody massacre are criminals. This is not only a crime of individual bandits and rioters. Everything that happened and is still happening in Moscow is a pre-planned armed rebellion.
It is organized by communist revanchists, fascist leaders, some of the former deputies, representatives of the Soviets.
Under the guise of negotiations, they accumulated strength, gathered armed detachments from mercenaries accustomed to murder and arbitrariness. An insignificant bunch of politicians tried to impose their will on the whole country with weapons. The means by which they wanted to rule Russia are shown to the whole world - these are cynical lies, bribery, cobblestones, sharpened iron bars, machine guns and machine guns.
Those waving red flags have once again stained Russia with blood. They hoped for surprise. The fact that their arrogance and cruelty will sow fear and confusion.
TV Mig has at its disposal the latest footage taken by Captain Ruban.
The need for decisive action was explained in the document by “mass riots and terrorist attacks that took place, resulting in human casualties, the creation by extremist forces in Moscow of a threat to life, health, and the constitutional rights of citizens.” air defense regiment.
I revised, supplemented and publish the second part of my article, written in 2013.
3) The threshold of the tragedy.
By 1993, opponents of representative power had won an important victory. The former 32 districts were abolished, and instead of them, 10 administrative and about 120 municipal districts. The administrative districts were headed by prefects, while the municipal districts were headed by subprefects. Truth, district councils people's deputies survived. However, their influence fell sharply, as the executive committees, subordinate to the district councils, disappeared, transforming into the apparatus of prefectures and administrations. At the same time, many city deputies and deputies close to the team of Yu. M. Luzhkov (V. Shakhnovsky, V. Silkin, V. Sister and many, many others) successfully combined the deputy mandate with key positions in the executive authorities.
By the beginning of autumn 1993, the situation in the country escalated again. The life of deputies has never been so popular in the Russian media.
TV screens and newspaper pages were filled with footage of deputies sleeping, picking their noses, gnawing their pens, landscapes of empty chairs during sessions, real or imaginary scandals. It has become almost impossible to publish positive information about the work of councils of deputies. For example, out of 11 interviews that journalists took from me in the summer of 1993, not a single one saw a viewer, listener or reader.
Against the background of the impoverishment of the population, more and more colossal resources were concentrated in the hands of unscrupulous officials and their entourage.
Maintaining effective parliamentary control created real danger not only the loss of these resources, but also the loss of freedom.
During the September 1993 session, a number of parliamentary factions of the Congress of People's Deputies announced the initiative to conduct parliamentary investigations into illegal privatization, embezzlement of funds, and abuse of power by officials.
4) Protection of the Constitution by its castration.
On September 21, 1993, Yeltsin's Decree "On a phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation" appears. In the decree, shifting everything from a sick head to a healthy one, President Yeltsin writes that the Congress and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation are trying to usurp power.
Trying to get support from the regional elites, the president accuses the Supreme Council of making decisions “contradicting the federal nature of the state” (and we are wondering what kind of evil force it was that destroyed the USSR and decided to destroy Russia). Already by this time, Yeltsin's famous slogan addressed to the national elites, "take as much sovereignty as you can!"
The decree contains lamentation over cases of voting for absent deputies (in this regard, the State Duma of Russia was fabulously lucky - the adoption of laws in an empty hall did not lead to the execution of the State Duma from tanks). To protect the foundations of the constitutional order, which is being destroyed by the Supreme Council, the President of the Russian Federation uses a completely unexpected method: “to interrupt the exercise of legislative, administrative and control functions by the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation. Until the start of work of the new bicameral parliament of the Russian Federation - the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - and its assumption of the appropriate powers to be guided by decrees of the President and resolutions of the Government of the Russian Federation.
Putting himself above the Constitution, the President writes: "The Constitution of the Russian Federation, the legislation of the Russian Federation and the constituent entities of the Russian Federation continue to operate in the part that does not contradict this Decree."
5) Resistance.
On September 21, deputies of the Moscow City Council gather in the meeting room. Yeltsin's supporters are trying to disrupt the quorum, but they fail: the majority choose their duty between personal gain and parliamentary duty. The session of the Moscow City Council condemns the decree of the President and demands that the mayor's office prevent the implementation of the anti-constitutional decree on the territory of Moscow.
People are starting to flock to the House of Soviets (White House). By the evening of September 21, according to my estimates, at least seven thousand people are gathering. About a third of them stay overnight.
Who were these people? I would single out four main groups of resistance participants:
1) participants in the democratic movement who became disillusioned with Yeltsin and associated further democratic reforms with the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation;
2) communists and other people of leftist views;
3) nationalists;
4) romantic youth without definite political views, but with a keen sense of political justice. In contrast to the participants in the defense of the White House in August 1991, there were almost no drunks (in 1991, there were 5-7 percent drunk, in 1993 - no more than 1-2), there were very few adventurers.
There were also unkind pages in the resistance. So, around October 1, part of the defenders of the database took the city hall building adjacent to the White House (the former CMEA building). During his capture, the minister of the Moscow government, physicist Alexander Braginsky, was beaten. The injury didn't go unnoticed. Eight years later, he died from a post-traumatic aneurysm. But the scale of the atrocities committed by the defenders of the White House and the scale of the atrocities committed by their opponents are simply incomparable.
Nationalists brought a certain discomfort. I remember such a case. Rallies were held almost daily on the site in front of the White House from the side of the Barrikadnaya metro station. Speakers spoke from the balcony of the House of Soviets, and its defenders stood below and rather violently reacted to the sounding speeches. I also spoke at these rallies 4-5 times. At the same time, in my speeches, each time I read 1-2 quatrains by Igor Guberman. Hearing the name of the author, the nationalists expressed their dissatisfaction. But by the third time I had already accustomed them to Huberman's poems and they applauded his "gariks" along with others.
At the end of September, for the first time, I saw young strong guys in camouflage uniforms. These were members of the nationalist organization "Russian National Unity" (*) . They kept apart, did not conflict with anyone, but they did not let anyone in especially close to themselves.
The real misfortune was the nationalist-minded old women, obviously, fragments of "Memory" by Konstantin Smirnov-Ostashvili. There were few of them, but they were unusually noisy and aggressive. On the 25th, a group of such old women attacked some guys of oriental appearance who also came to defend the White House. When I made a remark to them, I also got it. However, after half an hour I returned to the place of the old women's deployment, I found that these old women were already treating these same eastern guys with some kind of brew from their fire, and the conversation turned to topics far from nationalism.
By about September 25, the number of defenders of the House of Soviets approached 30-40 thousand people. In the future, according to my estimates, it did not grow, which became one of the prerequisites for the fact that Yeltsin's entourage decided to flood the capital with blood.
I remember how, near the Otradnoye metro station, with a megaphone in my hands, in my constituency I agitated people to go to defend the White House. Some were not convinced by my agitation, because they remembered how back in 1989 I held crowded rallies in Otradnoye in support of Yeltsin. However, most said that Yeltsin suits them perfectly, and they do not need all sorts of Congresses and Supreme Soviets. Three times they even tried to punch me in the face, but other citizens defended me. I re-educated all three of my offenders in all available non-violent ways. Interestingly, less than 10 years later, all three had to turn to me for help. At the same time, they scolded the government that had been established after the dispersal of the Soviets. They scolded me less: solely for the fact that I did not give them the horns themselves and did not explain that they had to go to defend the Supreme Council and the Constitution. Now these people are my faithful supporters.
Several times the police and internal troops were ordered to cordon off the House of Soviets and ensure a complete blockade of the people there. However, each time such a blockade lasted no more than a few hours: after talking with the defenders of the White House, the soldiers and police tried to help its defenders in any way they could.
When the blockade tightened, the deputies of the Moscow Council were still allowed through. And I had to use my deputy mandate to escort people, ambulances back and forth, and a couple of times to transport boxes of cookies and dryers.
There were ominous rumors that it was planned to unfreeze the soil on which the House of Soviets stands (and it stands on floaters, and in order for it not to “float”, an installation is operating that maintains the “permafrost” regime under the White House), which could lead to the draft of the building.
The most radical defenders of the White House demanded to give them a weapon. However, A. V. Rutskoi did not agree to this. If I'm not mistaken, the police department for the protection of the White House (and the building was guarded by a special police department) had about 100 backup machine guns. However, they were not released. The most determined came with their weapons. However, I do not know that they would use it (except for the actions of the guy who fired from a grenade launcher at the door of the small building of the Ostankino television center).
Minister Yerin ordered the policemen from the BD security department to leave the building and go home. Most of them did not comply with this criminal order, remaining at their post.
Not without curiosities. On October 1, a group of seconded paratroopers from Pskov was ordered to block the building of the White House. The level of chaos went off scale, no one met the arriving reinforcements. The paratroopers arrived on the metro "st. 1905”, saw the White House and immediately blockaded it. Only a few hours later, that the house that they blocked, although white, is still not a nest of rebellion, but the building of the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper loyal to Yeltsin.
Around September 30, the first victims appeared: some mysterious snipers who sat on the upper floors fired at people who most often had nothing to do with the defense of the House of Soviets. The police never managed to detain these snipers. During the events in Ostankino on October 3, 1993, it seems to me that at least a third of the dead were on the conscience of these snipers. Although the statute of limitations for bringing to criminal liability under Art. 105 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation is 15 years, for these snipers - maybe, except for those who came or will turn themselves in - there can be no statute of limitations.
As we remember, then snipers ended up in Chechnya, in Kiev, almost everywhere, where people did not want to kill anyone, and they had to be disoriented and pushed to shed blood.
I have already written about the events of October 3, 1993. Probably, when I find my notes made on that day, and my poems written before and after the massacre in Ostankino, I will have something to add to these notes.
So, on the night of October 3-4, I was unable to get to Yu. fair man, having heard about the execution of people in Ostankino, she resolutely goes with me to Luzhkov) V. I. Novodvorskaya tries to detain me, I get a dozen pokes from the pro-Yeltsin defenders of the Moscow Council, and Yeltsin’s former associate, his confidant in the 1999 elections and the main editor of "President" Lev Shimaev. I leave Tverskaya Street, turned by Yeltsin's supporters into a labyrinth of pickets and barricades (the main building material of which was benches and entrance doors), and lit by dozens of fires (lit from the same material) and go home. I never got to see Luzhkov.
On the morning of October 4, I decide to visit the Patriarch, believing that in my country there are two people who can prevent the repetition of Ostankin in another place - Chairman of the Constitutional Court of Russia Valentin Zorkin and Patriarch of the MP ROC Alexy II.
I arrive at the Kropotkinskaya metro station, go to the residence of the patriarch in Chisty Lane. Literally minutes later, the secretary of the patriarch, Father Alexander, received me. Alas, the patriarch cannot receive me: he has a pre-infarction condition. I'm talking about. Alexander about the events in Ostankino. He promises to inform the patriarch about this when he feels better.
If I had known about what would happen in a few hours, it would hardly be about. Alexander was able to stop me, and I would definitely break through to Alexy.
I decide to go to the White House and, if force is used, take part in its defense.
Passenger transport does not run along the Garden Ring. With a quick step I reach the Arbat and turn towards the former CMEA building, which in 1990 was transferred to the overgrown Moscow mayor's office.
There are police cordons everywhere, but they let me through with a deputy certificate. However, at the next cordon, two police officers recognize not just a certificate, but recognize me. It turns out that the most reliable policemen were given a list of the most unreliable deputies.
From the House of Soviets one can already hear automatic bursts, the chirping of machine guns, the hooting of cannons. From time to time, through the distance, human cries are heard: either the screaming of the wounded and dying, or the joyful cries of young people gathered near the White House being shot from the side of the Kiev railway station and welcoming every shot at the Russian Parliament. Later I was told that there were young merchants from the tents that bred near the Kiev railway station. Then it seemed to them that it was their government that was shooting at the rebels.
Looking ahead, I can say that those of them with whom I had a chance to communicate, later realized their delusion. Alas, it's too late.
They took me to the bridge at the intersection of Novy Arbat and Sadovoye Koltso, after which they laid me face down on the ground. Soon I was accompanied by other citizens who were trying to get to the White House. And an hour later, we already had about 10 people. The mood is not joyful, since we hear a lively discussion about whether we should be spanked here or still be taken to the pre-trial detention center. Then the discussion fades, those who detained us receive instructions that nothing should happen to people from the groups of detainees, among whom there are deputies.
Meanwhile, for the first time, I manage to study the life that boils at our feet so closely, one might say, up close. Here some bugs crawl, then ants try to crawl up my nose, then some unconscious insect tries to settle in my hair. But you can’t move, the policemen are determined and loudly comment on everything that happens under the walls of the White House, from time to time rewarding us with kicks.
Finally, in our destiny comes a pleasant certainty. They put us in handcuffs, put us in a paddy wagon and take us to SIZO No. 3, popularly known as the Krasnopresnenskaya Prison.
Just four days before that, I checked this pre-trial detention center as the chairman of the Interdepartmental Commission of the Moscow Council for Special Institutions. The head of the pre-trial detention center, Colonel Evgeny Nikolayevich Dmitriev, greets me with a surprised exclamation: they say, how so, Andrei Vladimirovich, you just checked us! In the look of the wise Colonel Dmitriev one reads: oh, how changeable fate is!
However, the attitude towards the detainees was friendly. Almost three hours later, all the detainees, having given explanations, leave the walls of the pre-trial detention center. I was put in a cell where there were about 20 people who were detained near the White House. Some were with weapons. In the office of employees there were operatives and employees of the GSU. They were sympathetic to the explanations of those who were detained with weapons. Found a machine gun in the bushes? Well, who doesn't.
They could be understood: after all, it was not the defenders of the White House who shed blood on October 4th.
I still do not know: to thank or scold me those who detained me in this house. It is possible that if they had not detained me on the outskirts of the House of Soviets, I would have become one of those who died that day.
7) What happened next?
Since we did not lose our deputy powers immediately, but only by October 7–8, we made an attempt to conduct a deputy investigation. We visited morgues where the dead were taken. We were contacted by relatives of those who allegedly died, and we tried to help them. I remember how we found five allegedly dead among the detainees and secured their release.
A few days after October 4, my collegiums of the Law and Democracy faction, Viktor Kuzin, Alexander Tsopov, Yuri Petrovich Sedykh-Bondarenko, were released, interned in the offices of the Moscow City Council building.
Today it is hard to believe that one could freely enter the city hall building upon presentation of a passport, and into the White House upon presentation of the mandate of a district council deputy. Without any pass.
That the deputies distributed the living quarters, the housing was built mainly for those on the waiting list, and the Moscow Council deputy Lev Ivanov developed a simple project on how to provide all the people on the waiting list for housing in three years.
That the judges were elected by the deputies and any voter could come to the deputy commission and say that he did not trust the candidates for judges. The information was checked and if it was confirmed, the candidate did not become a judge.
That in the Law of Russia on property there was a norm according to which if law enforcement failed to catch the criminal, the damage caused by the crime was compensated by the state.
That the words “terrorists” and “extremists” were associated with the words “Irish”, “Basque”, “Indian”, but even in the most terrible fantasies they were not associated with Russia in any way.
Yu. M. Luzhkov received power that no city governor had before him. Even the Grand Dukes had more modest power. The waiting period in the queue for housing has increased from 9 to 19 years. However, let's be fair: Yu. M. Luzhkov did not take revenge on his political opponents. Moreover, perhaps, mindful of his battles with the deputies of the Moscow Council, Luzhkov began to pursue a relatively consistent social policy in Moscow.
The uncontrolled development of Moscow began. True, in 2008 Luzhkov promised not to carry out infill development.
The number of city deputies decreased from 450 to 35. Then, however, it increased to 45.
Not a single person responsible for the execution of civilians has been held accountable. As I was told, Mikhail Ivanovich Barsukov bears personal responsibility for the committed barbarism. The exact number of deaths has not been officially established. Chairman of the Moscow Council Gonchar N. N. became a deputy of the State Duma. His first deputy, Colonel of Militia Yuri Petrovich Sedykh-Bondarenko, one of the most decent people I have ever met, having been insulted by a young impudent judge, suffered a stroke, died and rests in a modest grave at the Perepechinsky cemetery.
Many of those who supported Yeltsin that day later cursed that day and their own stupidity more than once or twice.
Well, I became a human rights activist.
Roundtable "The Tragedy of October 3-4, 1993: Causes and Consequences" will be held at the Civil Rights Committee on October 5, 2018.
The round table is dedicated to the 25th anniversary of one of the most dramatic events in modern Russian history - the execution of civilians in Ostankino on October 3, 1993 and the defenders of the White House on October 4, 1993.
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