I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council

After a two-week confrontation in the center of Moscow, the Congress and the Supreme Soviet were dispersed by troops using weapons and armored vehicles.

December 12, 1993 new, which also abolished the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, replacing these bodies.

Powers of the Congress

The Constitution of the RSFSR (Russian Federation) assigned to the Congress the right to decide any issue within the jurisdiction of the Russian Federation (Article 104, part 2). The exclusive jurisdiction of the Congress of People's Deputies included:

Adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, introduction of amendments and additions to it; - determination of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation; - ratification and denunciation of international treaties entailing changes and additions to the Constitution of the Russian Federation; - decision-making on the issues of the national-state system, referred to the jurisdiction of the Russian Federation; - determination of the procedure for resolving issues of the administrative-territorial structure of the Russian Federation; - resolving issues of changing the borders of the Russian Federation; - approval of long-term state plans and the most important republican programs of economic and social development the Russian Federation, its military construction; - formation of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation; - election of the chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation; - election of the first deputy and three deputy chairmen of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation; - approval of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation; - approval of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, Chairman of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, Chairman of the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation; - election of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation; - making a decision on dismissal of the President of the Russian Federation; - cancellation of acts adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, as well as decrees and orders of the President of the Russian Federation.

The Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation adopted laws of the Russian Federation and resolutions by a majority vote of the total number of people's deputies of the Russian Federation, except as otherwise provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation. The resolutions of the Congress of People's Deputies, adopted by a simple majority of votes, had the highest legal force in relation to the laws adopted by the Supreme Council, and often redistributed the powers of the authorities in derogation from the norms adopted by two-thirds of the votes of the Constitution.

The Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation decided to hold a popular vote (referendum).

The meetings of the Congress of People's Deputies, as a rule, were presided over by the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet. The activities of the Congress were regulated by temporary regulations, there was no permanent one.

According to the Constitution, meetings of the Congress were to be held annually, but in fact they were held 2-3 times a year. A total of 10 congresses took place (I-II - 1990, III-V - 1991, VI-VII - 1992, VIII-X - 1993).

In total, 1068 people's deputies of the RSFSR were elected to the congress:

By the beginning of the work of the First Congress, 1059 deputies were elected. The number of deputies by September 21, 1993 - 1037, by October 4, 1993 - 938.

History

• 1989
  • October 29 - The Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR adopted amendments to the Constitution of the RSFSR, which established the Congress of People's Deputies.
• 1990
• 1991
  • March 17 - at the All-Russian referendum, a decision was made to introduce the post of President of the RSFSR, elected by popular vote (for - 54% of the total number of voters).
  • March 28 - April 5 - III (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR.
  • May 21 - 25 - IV Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR.
  • June 12 - B. N. Yeltsin was elected the first president of the RSFSR in the popular elections (57% in the first round). He went to the polls in tandem with the vice presidential candidate A. V. Rutskoi.
  • July 10 - Yeltsin takes office as president.
  • July 10 - 17 - V (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies. According to the results of six rounds of elections for a new chairman of the Supreme Council (the main candidates are S. N. Baburin, R. I. Khasbulatov, S. M. Shakhrai, V. P. Lukin), the chairman was not elected. The first deputy chairman of the Supreme Council, Khasbulatov, becomes the acting chairman of the Supreme Council.
  • August 19 - 21 - putsch of the State Committee for the State of Emergency.
  • October 28 - November 2 - V (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies (stage 2).
  • October 29 - Khasbulatov is elected Chairman of the Supreme Council.
  • November 1 - The Congress grants President Yeltsin additional powers for a period of 13 months and allows him to personally head the government.
  • December 12 - The Supreme Soviet ratified the Belovezhskaya agreement on the termination of the existence of the USSR.
  • December 25 - The Supreme Soviet adopted a law renaming the RSFSR into Russian Federation (Russia).
• 1992
  • April 6 - 21 - VI Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR.
  • December 1 - 14 - VII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation.
  • In response to the refusal to extend the additional powers of the president and approve the appointment of E. T. Gaidar as chairman of the government, President Yeltsin for the first time threatened the Congress with a nationwide referendum on the issue of confidence. As a result of the compromise reached through the mediation of the President of the Constitutional Court, the Congress calls for a referendum on April 11, 1993 on the main provisions of the new Constitution and freezes part of the amendments to the Constitution that have just been adopted, limiting the powers of the president. V. S. Chernomyrdin is elected Chairman of the Government. A constitutional crisis begins that lasted until the end of 1993.
• 1993
  • March 10 - 13 - VIII (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. The congress enacts the amendments to the Constitution in full and cancels the referendum. Chairman of the Supreme Court Ruslan Khasbulatov characterizes the December compromise with the words " the demon beguiled».
  • March 20 - Yeltsin announces the introduction of a "special procedure for governing the country" and the appointment of a referendum on confidence in himself, stating that he will interpret this as a lack of confidence in the Congress.
  • March 26 - 29 - IX (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. Voting on the issue of removing President Yeltsin from office, the congress does not gain the required majority of 2/3 of the votes (for - 617 out of 1033 votes, 60%). After that, the congress appoints a referendum on 4 issues: on confidence in the president, his economic policy, on early elections of the president and people's deputies.
  • April 25 - in a referendum on all four issues, more votes were given "for" than "against", but less than half of the total number of voters. Decisions were made on confidence in the president (59%) and approval of his economic policy (53%), requiring a majority of the number of participants. Decisions were not made on early elections of the President (32%) and deputies (43%) requiring a majority from the payroll.
  • June 5 - The Constitutional Conference begins its work - a body formed by a presidential decree to develop the text of a new Constitution.
  • September 18 - The leaders of the executive and legislative branches of the Federation, convened by the President, refuse to proclaim themselves the Federation Council and assume the powers of the upper house of the new parliament.
  • September 21 - President Yeltsin issues Decree No. 1400 "On a phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", ordering the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council to cease their activities, approves the "Regulations on Federal Authorities in the Transitional Period" and appoints elections for December 12 to the established by this by decree a new parliament - the Federal Assembly. The Presidium of the Supreme Council ascertains the automatic termination of Yeltsin's presidential powers in connection with the violation of the Constitution. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on the same day recognizes Decree No. 1400 as contrary to the Constitution.
  • September 22 – The Supreme Soviet adopts a resolution to terminate the powers of President Yeltsin from the moment of issuing Decree No. 1400 and transfer them to Vice President Rutskoi, announces the convening of the X Extraordinary (Extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies.
  • On September 24, the Congress of People's Deputies, upon reaching the necessary quorum, approves the decision of the Supreme Council on the termination of Boris Yeltsin's presidential powers and their transfer to Vice President Alexander Rutskoi, and qualifies Yeltsin's actions as a coup d'état. Alexander Rutskoi takes the presidential oath. The congress decides to hold simultaneous early elections of the president and people's deputies no later than March 1994, approves alternative ministers of defense, security and internal affairs, turns into the headquarters of the resistance. The approaches to the House of Soviets of Russia are blocked by the forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
  • On October 3, the demonstrators gathered at the building break through the blockade from the outside, after which armed supporters of the Supreme Council storm the building of the Moscow City Hall on Novy Arbat and try to seize the Ostankino television center. Boris Yeltsin signs a decree declaring a state of emergency in Moscow.
  • On October 4, the troops brought into the center of Moscow subjected the House of Soviets to fire from tank guns and stormed the building, which, combined with the inconsistency of the actions of the troops, led to numerous casualties. Rutskoi, Khasbulatov and a number of other leaders of the Supreme Council were detained and placed in the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center (see Events of September - October 1993 in Moscow.
  • The Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation was finally abolished due to the adoption on December 12 of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, which also abolished the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, replacing these bodies with the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.

Deputy groups, factions and blocs

At the 1st Congress of People's Deputies (May 1990), groups of at least 50 deputies were subject to registration (groups created to protect the national interests of small peoples were subject to registration regardless of their size). By May 25, 24 deputy groups, ranging from 51 to 355 deputies, were registered, mostly of a professional and regional nature, while membership in several groups was allowed. The most numerous blocs were "Democratic Russia" (about 300 deputies) and "Communists of Russia" (355).

The fundamental decision to create a system of fractions without dual membership was taken by the 4th Congress (May 1991). The fraction had to consist of at least 50 deputies, the bloc had to include at least three factions.

People's deputy, member of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first convocation Artyom Tarasov in his book "Millionaire" described what happened at the congress in the following way:

The first congress of people's deputies of Russia, held in the Kremlin, was an absolutely uncontrollable mass of a motley people. The deputies tried to get to the podium at any cost, while the speakers were not listened to at all: everyone was shouting, waving their hands and shouting some slogans and appeals right from the hall.

II Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR (Extraordinary)

Factions

• Food and health: 216 deputies
• Communists of Russia: 215 deputies
• Democratic Center - Russia: 87 deputies
• Workers' Union of Russia: 66 deputies
• Non-partisan deputies: 59 deputies
• Left center: 57 deputies
• United RPRF-SDPR faction: 54 deputies
• Organizers of the national economy: 52 deputies
• Russian Union: 52 deputies
• Shift: 51 deputies

Deputy groups

• Group from autonomous republics and autonomous regions of the RSFSR: 139 deputies

The congress adopted amendments to the Constitution of the RSFSR, including: giving constitutional status to the Declaration of State Sovereignty, the introduction of private property in the RSFSR, the establishment of the Constitutional Court (elected in 1991), the de-ideologization of the articles of the Constitution on the political rights of citizens.

III Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR (Extraordinary)

Factions

• Communists of Russia: 216 deputies
• Food and health: 215 deputies
• Democratic Russia: 205 deputies
• Organizers of the national economy: 158 deputies
• Communists for Democracy: 103 deputies
• Russia: 102 deputies
• Left center: 80 deputies
• Non-partisan deputies: 61 deputies
• Radical Democrats: 54 deputies
• Russian Union: 51 deputies
• Shift: 51 deputies

Deputy groups

• Group from autonomous republics and autonomous regions of the RSFSR: 83 deputies

IV Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR

Factions

• Communists of Russia: 205 deputies
• Food and health: 205 deputies
• Fatherland: 140 deputies
• Communists for Democracy: 100 deputies
• Russia: 96 deputies
• Left center: 80 deputies
• Democratic Russia: 69 deputies
• Organizers of the national economy: 67 deputies
• Workers' Union of Russia: 64 deputies
• Shift: 55 deputies
• Non-partisan deputies: 54 deputies
• United RPRF-SDPR faction: 53 deputies
• Russian Union: 52 deputies

Deputy groups

• Group from the republics and autonomous regions of the RSFSR: 143 deputies

The congress adopted amendments to the Constitution of the RSFSR:

• establishment of the post of President of the RSFSR according to the results of the All-Russian referendum;
• renaming of the autonomous Soviet socialist republics into Soviet socialist republics within the RSFSR (this renaming was not consistent with Article 85 of the USSR Constitution).

V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR (Extraordinary)

The congress was held in two stages:

• Agrarian Union of Russia: 113 deputies
• Communists for Democracy: 96 deputies
• Russia: 74 deputies
• Fatherland: 70 deputies
• Democratic Russia: 69 deputies
• Left center: 65 deputies
• Radical Democrats: 55 deputies
• United RPRF-SDPR faction: 52 deputies
• Russian Union: 51 deputies
• Shift: 51 deputies

Deputy groups

• Group from the republics and autonomous regions of the RSFSR: 50 deputies

Stage 2 (October 28 - November 2): Factions

• Communists of Russia: 198 deputies
• United faction of the RPRF-SDPR - Left center: 117 deputies
• Agrarian Union of Russia: 111 deputies
• Free Russia: 96 deputies
• Russia: 74 deputies
• Fatherland: 70 deputies
• Democratic Russia: 69 deputies
• Industrial Union: 67 deputies
• Workers' Union of Russia: 62 deputies
• Non-partisan deputies: 55 deputies
• Radical Democrats: 55 deputies
• Russian Union: 51 deputies
• Shift: 51 deputies

Deputy groups

At the first stage, the Congress took the oath of the President of the RSFSR B. N. Yeltsin and unsuccessfully tried to elect a new chairman of the Supreme Soviet. First Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council R. I. Khasbulatov was appointed Acting Chairman of the Supreme Council.

In the fall, the Congress elected a new chairman of the Supreme Council, R. I. Khasbulatov, and made a number of changes to the Constitution (including the installation of the tricolor state flag of the RSFSR).

The congress granted President Yeltsin additional powers for a period of 13 months and allowed him to personally head the government.

VI Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR

Factions

• Agrarian Union of Russia: 121 deputies
• Industrial Union: 73 deputies
• Democratic Russia: 72 deputies
• United faction of the RPRF-SDPR - Left center: 69 deputies
• Free Russia: 66 deputies
• Communists of Russia: 59 deputies
• Fatherland: 54 deputies
• Russia: 54 deputies
• Civil society: 52 deputies
• Radical Democrats: 48 deputies
• Non-partisan deputies: 43 deputies
• Workers' Union of Russia - reforms without shock: 41 deputies
• Russian Union: 19 deputies

Deputy groups

• Sovereignty and equality: 56 deputies

The congress issued an unsatisfactory assessment of the work of the Gaidar government and granted additional powers to President Yeltsin. The congress refused to ratify the Belovezhskaya agreement on the termination of the existence of the USSR and to exclude references to the Constitution and laws of the USSR from the text of the Constitution of the RSFSR.

The Constitution was amended to change the name of the state "Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR)" to the name "Russian Federation - Russia". The Constitution was amended to transform the Adyghe, Gorno-Altai, Karachay-Cherkess and Khakass autonomous regions into republics within the Russian Federation (RSFSR). An amendment was also made to rename a number of regions: Leningrad was renamed Saint Petersburg, Gorky Oblast was renamed Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, Kalinin Oblast was renamed Tver Oblast, Kuibyshev Oblast was renamed Samara Oblast.

VII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation

Factions

• Agrarian Union of Russia: 148 deputies
• Communists of Russia: 80 deputies
• Democratic Russia: 75 deputies
• Free Russia: 58 deputies
• Fatherland: 54 deputies
• Industrial Union: 54 deputies
• Left center - Cooperation: 53 deputies (created on 12/14/1992 during the congress)
• United faction of the RPRF-SDPR - Left Center: 53 deputies (disintegrated on 12/14/1992 during the congress)
• Change - new policy: 53 deputies
• Workers' Union of Russia - reforms without shock: 52 deputies
• Homeland: 52 deputies
• Consent for the sake of progress: 51 deputies
• Radical Democrats: 50 deputies
• Cooperation: 50 deputies (disbanded on 12/14/1992 during the congress)
• Russia: 46 deputies
• Non-partisan deputies: 36 deputies (disintegrated on 12/14/1992 during the congress)
• Civil society: 28 deputies (disintegrated on 12/14/1992 during the congress)

Deputy groups

• Sovereignty and equality: 50 deputies

On March 9, 1994, the head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, S. A. Filatov, approved a list of 151 deputies who participated in the work of parliament until October 3, 1993 and were deprived of presidential social benefits for this (on April 22, 1994, by presidential decree, benefits were extended to all deputies - thus, the "black list" was canceled).

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Notes

1. Until May 16, 1992 - the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR. The Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR adopted the law of the RSFSR dated December 25, 1991 No. 2094-I "On changing the name of the state "Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic"". On April 21, 1992, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR approved the renaming of the RSFSR to the Russian Federation, amending the Constitution of the RSFSR (Law of the Russian Federation of April 21, 1992 No. 2708-I "On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic". This law came into force from the moment of its publication in Rossiyskaya Gazeta on May 16, 1992).
2. Until May 16, 1992 - the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). See Law of the Russian Federation of April 21, 1992 No. 2708-I "On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic"). This law came into force from the moment of its publication in Rossiyskaya Gazeta on May 16, 1992.
4. Art. 107 of the Constitution (Basic Law) of the RSFSR of 1978 as amended on October 27, 1989
6. //
7. //
8. //
9. On December 25, 1991, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR adopted the Law of the RSFSR No. 2094-I "On changing the name of the state "Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic"". On April 21, 1992, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR approved the renaming of the RSFSR to the Russian Federation, amending the Constitution of the RSFSR (Law of the Russian Federation of April 21, 1992 No. 2708-I "On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic". This law came into force from the moment of its publication in Rossiyskaya Gazeta on May 16, 1992).
10. // « Russian newspaper”, No. 184(800), September 23, 1993, p.2
11. // Rossiyskaya Gazeta, No. 184(800), September 23, 1993, p.2
12. // Rossiyskaya Gazeta, No. 184(800), September 23, 1993, p.2
14. .
18. People's Deputy of the RSFSR, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation Ilya Konstantinov on the events of October 1993
19. // "Soviet Russia", December 16, 2010

Literature

• People's Deputies of Russia. 1990-1993. - M.: Publication of the State Duma, 1998.
• Chairman of the editorial board Baburin S.N. Tenth (Extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. September 23 - October 4, 1993. Verbatim report. - M .: Russian State Trade and Economic University, 2008. - ISBN 5-878-335-1.

Links

• (in the original version)
  • (with changes 1991-1992)

see also

• Congresses of Soviets (1917-1936\37)

Legislative Bodies of the Union Republics of the USSR Congresses of the Soviets of the Republics Supreme Soviets of the Republics Congresses of People's Deputies of the Republics RSFSR

Adviсe Federal level local level Government Courts

An excerpt characterizing the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia

- And I just want to tell you, to avoid misunderstandings, that you will be very mistaken if you count me and my mother among these people. We are very poor, but I, at least, speak for myself: precisely because your father is rich, I do not consider myself his relative, and neither I nor my mother will ever ask for anything and will not accept anything from him.
Pierre could not understand for a long time, but when he understood, he jumped up from the sofa, grabbed Boris by the arm from below with his characteristic speed and awkwardness, and, blushing much more than Boris, began to speak with a mixed feeling of shame and annoyance.
– This is strange! I really ... and who could have thought ... I know very well ...
But Boris interrupted him again:
- I'm glad I said it all. Maybe it’s unpleasant for you, you’ll excuse me, ”he said, reassuring Pierre, instead of being reassured by him,“ but I hope that I didn’t offend you. I have a rule to say everything directly ... How can I convey it? Are you coming to dine at the Rostovs?
And Boris, apparently having shifted from himself a heavy duty, himself getting out of an awkward position and putting another in it, became again completely pleasant.
“No, listen,” said Pierre, calming down. - You are an amazing person. What you just said is very good, very good. Of course you don't know me. We haven’t seen each other for so long… children yet… You can assume in me… I understand you, I understand you very much. I wouldn't do it, I wouldn't have the spirit, but it's wonderful. I am very glad that I got to know you. Strange,” he added, after a pause and smiling, “what you supposed in me! He laughed. - Well, so what? We will get to know you better. Please. He shook hands with Boris. “You know, I have never been to the Count. He didn't call me... I feel sorry for him as a person... But what can I do?
- And you think that Napoleon will have time to transport the army? Boris asked smiling.
Pierre realized that Boris wanted to change the conversation, and, agreeing with him, began to outline the advantages and disadvantages of the Boulogne enterprise.
The footman came to summon Boris to the princess. The princess was leaving. Pierre promised to come to dinner in order to get closer to Boris, firmly pressed his hand, affectionately looking into his eyes through his glasses ... After his departure, Pierre walked around the room for a long time, no longer piercing an invisible enemy with a sword, but smiling at the memory of this sweet, smart and tough young man.
As happens in early youth, and especially in a lonely situation, he felt an unreasonable tenderness for this young man and promised himself to make friends with him without fail.
Prince Vasily saw off the princess. The princess held a handkerchief to her eyes, and her face was in tears.
- It's horrible! terrible! she said, “but whatever the cost, I will do my duty. I will come to spend the night. You can't leave him like this. Every minute is precious. I do not understand what the princesses are delaying. Maybe God will help me find a way to prepare it!… Adieu, mon prince, que le bon Dieu vous soutienne… [Farewell, prince, may God support you.]
- Adieu, ma bonne, [Farewell, my dear,] - answered Prince Vasily, turning away from her.
“Ah, he is in a terrible position,” said the mother to her son, as they got back into the carriage. He barely recognizes anyone.
- I don’t understand, mother, what is his relationship with Pierre? the son asked.
“The testament will say everything, my friend; our destiny depends on it...
“But why do you think he would leave anything for us?”
- Ah, my friend! He is so rich and we are so poor!
“Well, that’s not enough reason, mother.
- Oh my god! My God! How bad he is! mother exclaimed.

When Anna Mikhailovna went with her son to Count Kirill Vladimirovich Bezukhy, Countess Rostova sat alone for a long time, putting a handkerchief to her eyes. Finally, she called.
“What are you, dear,” she said angrily to the girl, who kept herself waiting for several minutes. You don't want to serve, do you? So I will find a place for you.
The countess was upset by the grief and humiliating poverty of her friend and therefore was not in a good mood, which was always expressed in her by the name of the maid "dear" and "you".
“Guilty with,” said the maid.
“Ask the Count for me.
The count, waddling, approached his wife with a somewhat guilty look, as always.
- Well, Countess! What a saute au madere [saute in Madeira] of grouse will be, ma chere! I tried; I gave a thousand rubles for Taraska not for nothing. Costs!
He sat down beside his wife, valiantly leaning his hands on his knees and ruffling his gray hair.
- What do you want, countess?
- Here's what, my friend - what do you have dirty here? she said, pointing to the vest. "That's sauté, right," she added, smiling. - Here's the thing, Count: I need money.
Her face became sad.
- Oh, Countess! ...
And the count began to fuss, taking out his wallet.
- I need a lot, count, I need five hundred rubles.
And she, taking out a cambric handkerchief, rubbed her husband's waistcoat with it.
- Now. Hey, who's there? he shouted in a voice that only people shout, confident that those whom they call will rush headlong to their call. - Send Mitenka to me!
Mitenka, that noble son, brought up by the count, who was now in charge of all his affairs, entered the room with quiet steps.
“That’s what, my dear,” said the count to the respectful young man who entered. “Bring me…” he thought. - Yes, 700 rubles, yes. Yes, look, don’t bring such torn and dirty ones as that time, but good ones, for the countess.
“Yes, Mitenka, please, clean ones,” said the countess, sighing sadly.
“Your Excellency, when would you like me to deliver it?” Mitenka said. “If you please know that ... However, please don’t worry,” he added, noticing how the count had already begun to breathe heavily and quickly, which was always a sign of incipient anger. - I was and forgot ... Will you order to deliver this minute?
- Yes, yes, then bring it. Give it to the Countess.
“What gold I have this Mitenka,” added the count, smiling, when the young man left. - There is no such thing as impossible. I can't stand it. Everything is possible.
“Ah, money, count, money, how much grief they cause in the world!” said the Countess. “I really need this money.
“You, countess, are a well-known winder,” said the count, and, kissing his wife’s hand, went back into the study.
When Anna Mikhailovna returned again from Bezukhoy, the countess already had money, all in brand new paper, under a handkerchief on the table, and Anna Mikhailovna noticed that the countess was somehow disturbed.
- Well, my friend? the countess asked.
Oh, what a terrible state he is in! You can't recognize him, he's so bad, so bad; I stayed for a minute and did not say two words ...
“Annette, for God’s sake, don’t refuse me,” the countess suddenly said, blushing, which was so strange with her middle-aged, thin and important face, taking money from under her handkerchief.
Anna Mikhailovna instantly understood what was the matter, and already bent down to deftly embrace the countess at the right time.
- Here's Boris from me, for sewing a uniform ...
Anna Mikhaylovna was already embracing her and crying. The Countess was crying too. They wept that they were friendly; and that they are kind; and that they, girlfriends of youth, are occupied with such a low subject - money; and that their youth had passed ... But the tears of both were pleasant ...

Countess Rostova was sitting with her daughters and already with a large number of guests in the drawing room. The count ushered the male guests into his study, offering them his hunter's collection of Turkish pipes. Occasionally he would come out and ask: has she come? They were waiting for Marya Dmitrievna Akhrosimova, nicknamed in society le terrible dragon, [a terrible dragon,] a lady famous not for wealth, not for honors, but for her directness of mind and frank simplicity of address. Marya Dmitrievna was known by the royal family, all of Moscow and all of St. Petersburg knew, and both cities, surprised at her, secretly laughed at her rudeness, told jokes about her; yet everyone, without exception, respected and feared her.
In an office full of smoke, there was a conversation about the war, which was declared by the manifesto, about recruitment. No one has yet read the Manifesto, but everyone knew about its appearance. The count was sitting on an ottoman between two smoking and talking neighbors. The count himself did not smoke or speak, but tilting his head, now to one side, then to the other, he looked with evident pleasure at the smokers and listened to the conversation of his two neighbors, whom he pitted against each other.
One of the speakers was a civilian, with a wrinkled, bilious, and shaven, thin face, a man already approaching old age, although he was dressed like the most fashionable young man; he sat with his feet on the ottoman with the air of a domestic man, and, sideways thrusting amber far into his mouth, impetuously drew in the smoke and screwed up his eyes. It was the old bachelor Shinshin, the cousin of the countess, an evil tongue, as they said about him in Moscow drawing rooms. He seemed to condescend to his interlocutor. Another, fresh, pink, officer of the Guards, impeccably washed, buttoned and combed, held amber near the middle of his mouth and with pink lips slightly pulled out the smoke, releasing it in ringlets from his beautiful mouth. It was that lieutenant Berg, an officer of the Semyonovsky regiment, with whom Boris went to the regiment together and with which Natasha teased Vera, the senior countess, calling Berg her fiancé. The Count sat between them and listened attentively. The most pleasant occupation for the count, with the exception of the game of boston, which he was very fond of, was the position of the listener, especially when he managed to play off two talkative interlocutors.
“Well, how about it, father, mon tres honorable [most respected] Alfons Karlych,” said Shinshin, chuckling and combining (which was the peculiarity of his speech) the most popular Russian expressions with exquisite French phrases. - Vous comptez vous faire des rentes sur l "etat, [Do you expect to have income from the treasury,] do you want to receive income from the company?
- No, Pyotr Nikolaevich, I only want to show that in the cavalry there are much fewer advantages against the infantry. Now consider, Pyotr Nikolaitch, my position...
Berg always spoke very precisely, calmly and courteously. His conversation always concerned only him alone; he was always calmly silent while talking about something that had no direct relation to him. And he could remain silent in this way for several hours, without experiencing or producing in others the slightest confusion. But as soon as the conversation concerned him personally, he began to speak at length and with visible pleasure.
“Consider my situation, Pyotr Nikolaevich: if I were in the cavalry, I would receive no more than two hundred rubles a third, even with the rank of lieutenant; and now I get two hundred and thirty,” he said with a joyful, pleasant smile, looking at Shinshin and the count, as if it were obvious to him that his success would always be the main goal of the desires of all other people.
“Besides, Pyotr Nikolaevich, having transferred to the guards, I am in the public eye,” Berg continued, “and vacancies in the guards infantry are much more frequent. Then, think for yourself how I could get a job out of two hundred and thirty rubles. And I’m saving and sending more to my father,” he continued, blowing the ring.
- La balance at est ... [The balance is established ...] The German threshes a loaf on the butt, comme dit le roverbe, [as the proverb says,] - shifting amber to the other side of his mouth, said Shinshin and winked at the count.
The Count laughed. Other guests, seeing that Shinshin was talking, came up to listen. Berg, not noticing either ridicule or indifference, continued to talk about how, by being transferred to the guard, he had already won a rank in front of his comrades in the corps, how in wartime a company commander could be killed, and he, remaining a senior in a company, could very easily be company commander, and how everyone in the regiment loves him, and how pleased his papa is with him. Berg apparently enjoyed telling all this, and seemed unaware that other people might also have their own interests. But everything he said was so sweetly sedate, the naivety of his young selfishness was so obvious that he disarmed his listeners.
- Well, father, you are both in the infantry and in the cavalry, you will go everywhere; I predict this for you, - said Shinshin, patting him on the shoulder and lowering his legs from the ottoman.
Berg smiled happily. The count, followed by the guests, went out into the drawing-room.

There was that time before a dinner party when the assembled guests do not start a long conversation in anticipation of a call for an appetizer, but at the same time find it necessary to stir and not be silent in order to show that they are not at all impatient to sit down at the table. The owners glance at the door and occasionally exchange glances with each other. From these glances, guests try to guess who or what else they are waiting for: an important late relative or food that has not yet ripened.
Pierre arrived just before dinner and sat awkwardly in the middle of the living room on the first chair that came across, blocking everyone's way. The countess wanted to make him talk, but he naively looked around him through his glasses, as if looking for someone, and answered all the questions of the countess in monosyllables. He was shy and alone did not notice it. Most of the guests, who knew his history with the bear, looked curiously at this big, fat and meek man, wondering how such a lump and modest could do such a thing with the quarter.
- Have you just arrived? the Countess asked him.
- Oui, madame, [Yes, ma'am,] - he answered, looking around.
- Have you seen my husband?
- Non, madam. [No, ma'am.] - He smiled quite inappropriately.
- You seem to have recently been in Paris? I think it's very interesting.
- Very interesting..
The countess exchanged glances with Anna Mikhailovna. Anna Mikhaylovna realized that she was being asked to keep this young man busy, and, sitting down beside him, she began to talk about her father; but, like the countess, he answered her only in monosyllables. The guests were all busy with each other. Les Razoumovsky… ca a ete charmant… Vous etes bien bonne… La comtesse Apraksine… [The Razumovskys… It was delightful… You are very kind… Countess Apraksina…] was heard from all sides. The Countess got up and went into the hall.
— Marya Dmitrievna? – I heard her voice from the hall.
“She’s the best,” a rough female voice was heard in response, and after that Marya Dmitrievna entered the room.
All the young ladies and even the ladies, except for the oldest ones, stood up. Marya Dmitrievna stopped at the door and, from the height of her corpulent body, holding high her fifty-year-old head with gray curls, looked around the guests and, as if rolling up, unhurriedly straightened the wide sleeves of her dress. Marya Dmitrievna always spoke Russian.
“Dear birthday girl with children,” she said in her loud, thick voice that overwhelms all other sounds. “Are you an old sinner,” she turned to the count, who was kissing her hand, “do you miss tea in Moscow?” Where to run the dogs? But what, father, to do, this is how these birds will grow up ... - She pointed to the girls. - Whether you like it or not, you need to look for suitors.
- Well, what, my Cossack? (Marya Dmitrievna called Natasha a Cossack) - she said, caressing Natasha with her hand, who approached her hand without fear and cheerfully. - I know that the potion is a girl, but I love it.
She took out pear-shaped yakhon earrings from her huge reticule and, giving them to Natasha, who was beaming and flushed with a birthday, immediately turned away from her and turned to Pierre.
– Eh, eh! kind! come here,” she said in a mockingly quiet and thin voice. - Come on, my dear...
And she rolled up her sleeves menacingly even higher.
Pierre came up, naively looking at her through his glasses.
"Come, come, dear!" I told your father the truth alone, when he happened to be, and then God commands you.
She paused. Everyone was silent, waiting for what was to come, and feeling that there was only a preface.
- Okay, nothing to say! good boy! ... The father lies on the bed, and he amuses himself, he puts the quarter on a bear on horseback. Shame on you, dad, shame on you! Better to go to war.
She turned away and offered her hand to the count, who could hardly help laughing.
- Well, well, to the table, I have tea, is it time? said Marya Dmitrievna.
The count went ahead with Marya Dmitrievna; then the countess, who was led by a hussar colonel, the right person with whom Nikolai was supposed to catch up with the regiment. Anna Mikhailovna is with Shinshin. Berg offered his hand to Vera. Smiling Julie Karagina went with Nikolai to the table. Behind them came other couples, stretching across the hall, and behind them all alone, children, tutors and governesses. The waiters stirred, chairs rattled, music played in the choir stalls, and the guests settled in. The sounds of the count's home music were replaced by the sounds of knives and forks, the voices of guests, the quiet footsteps of waiters.
At one end of the table, the countess sat at the head. On the right is Marya Dmitrievna, on the left is Anna Mikhailovna and other guests. At the other end sat a count, on the left a hussar colonel, on the right Shinshin and other male guests. On the one side long table older youth: Vera next to Berg, Pierre next to Boris; on the other hand, children, tutors and governesses. From behind the crystal, bottles and vases of fruit, the count glanced at his wife and her high cap with blue ribbons and diligently poured wine to his neighbors, not forgetting himself. The Countess, also, because of the pineapples, not forgetting her duties as a hostess, threw significant glances at her husband, whose bald head and face, it seemed to her, were sharply distinguished by their redness from gray hair. There was a regular babble at the ladies' end; voices were heard louder and louder on the male, especially the hussar colonel, who ate and drank so much, blushing more and more that the count already set him as an example to other guests. Berg, with a gentle smile, spoke to Vera about the fact that love is a feeling not earthly, but heavenly. Boris called his new friend Pierre the guests who were at the table and exchanged glances with Natasha, who was sitting opposite him. Pierre spoke little, looked at new faces and ate a lot. Starting from two soups, from which he chose a la tortue, [turtle,] and kulebyaki, and up to grouse, he did not miss a single dish and not a single wine, which the butler in a bottle wrapped in a napkin mysteriously protruded from his neighbor’s shoulder, saying or “drey Madeira, or Hungarian, or Rhine wine. He substituted the first of the four crystal glasses with the count's monogram, which stood in front of each device, and drank with pleasure, looking more and more pleasantly at the guests. Natasha, who was sitting opposite him, looked at Boris, as girls of thirteen look at the boy with whom they had just kissed for the first time and with whom they are in love. This same look of hers sometimes turned to Pierre, and under the look of this funny, lively girl he wanted to laugh himself, not knowing why.
Nikolai was sitting far away from Sonya, next to Julie Karagina, and again, with the same involuntary smile, he spoke something to her. Sonya smiled grandly, but apparently she was tormented by jealousy: she turned pale, then blushed, and with all her might listened to what Nikolai and Julie were saying to each other. The governess looked around uneasily, as if preparing herself for a rebuff, if anyone thought of offending the children. The German tutor tried to memorize the categories of foods, desserts and wines in order to describe everything in detail in a letter to his family in Germany, and was very offended by the fact that the butler, with a bottle wrapped in a napkin, surrounded him. The German frowned, tried to show that he did not want to receive this wine, but was offended because no one wanted to understand that he needed wine not to quench his thirst, not out of greed, but out of conscientious curiosity.

At the male end of the table the conversation became more and more lively. The colonel said that the manifesto declaring war had already been published in Petersburg, and that the copy, which he himself had seen, had now been delivered by courier to the commander-in-chief.
- And why is it difficult for us to fight with Bonaparte? Shinshin said. - II a deja rabattu le caquet a l "Autriche. Je crains, que cette fois ce ne soit notre tour. [He has already knocked down arrogance from Austria. I'm afraid our turn would not come now.]
The colonel was a stout, tall and sanguine German, obviously a campaigner and a patriot. He was offended by Shinshin's words.
“And then, we are a fat sovereign,” he said, pronouncing e instead of e and b instead of b. “Then, that the emperor knows this. He said in his manifesto that he cannot look indifferently at the dangers threatening Russia, and that the security of the empire, its dignity and the holiness of alliances,” he said, for some reason especially leaning on the word "unions", as if this was the whole essence of the matter.
And with his infallible, official memory, he repeated the introductory words of the manifesto ... “and the desire, the sole and indispensable goal of the sovereign, is to establish peace in Europe on solid grounds - they decided to send part of the army now abroad and make new efforts to achieve“ this intention “.
“Here’s why, we are a worthy sovereign,” he concluded, instructively drinking a glass of wine and looking back at the count for encouragement.
- Connaissez vous le proverbe: [You know the proverb:] “Yerema, Yerema, if you would sit at home, sharpen your spindles,” said Shinshin, wincing and smiling. – Cela nous convient a merveille. [This is by the way for us.] Why Suvorov - and he was split, a plate couture, [on the head,] and where are our Suvorovs now? Je vous demande un peu, [I ask you] - he constantly jumped from Russian to French, he said.
“We must fight until the day after the drop of blood,” said the colonel, banging on the table, “and die rrret for our emperor, and then everything will be fine.” And to argue as much as possible (he especially drew out his voice on the word “possible”), as little as possible,” he finished, again turning to the count. - So we judge the old hussars, that's all. And how do you judge, young man and young hussar? he added, turning to Nikolai, who, hearing that the matter was about the war, left his interlocutor and looked with all his eyes and listened with all his ears to the colonel.
“I completely agree with you,” answered Nikolai, flushing all over, turning the plate and rearranging the glasses with such a determined and desperate look, as if at the present moment he was in great danger, “I am convinced that the Russians must die or win,” he said, himself feeling as well as others, after the word had already been said, that it was too enthusiastic and pompous for the present occasion and therefore awkward.
- C "est bien beau ce que vous venez de dire, [Wonderful! what you said is wonderful]," said Julie, who was sitting next to him, sighing. Sonya trembled all over and blushed to her ears, behind her ears and to her neck and shoulders, while Nikolai spoke. Pierre listened to the colonel's speeches and nodded his head approvingly.
“That's nice,” he said.
“A real hussar, young man,” the colonel shouted, striking the table again.
- What are you talking about there? Marya Dmitrievna's bass voice was suddenly heard across the table. What are you banging on the table for? she turned to the hussar, “who are you getting excited about? right, you think that the French are in front of you?
"I'm telling the truth," said the hussar, smiling.
“It’s all about the war,” the count shouted across the table. “After all, my son is coming, Marya Dmitrievna, my son is coming.
- And I have four sons in the army, but I don’t grieve. Everything is the will of God: you will die lying on the stove, and God will have mercy in battle, ”the thick voice of Marya Dmitrievna sounded without any effort, from the other end of the table.
- This is true.
And the conversation again focused - the ladies at their end of the table, the men at theirs.
“But you won’t ask,” the little brother said to Natasha, “but you won’t ask!”
“I’ll ask,” Natasha answered.
Her face suddenly flared up, expressing a desperate and cheerful determination. She half rose, inviting Pierre, who was sitting opposite her, to listen with a glance, and turned to her mother:
- Mother! her childlike chest voice sounded all over the table.
- What do you want? the countess asked frightened, but, seeing from her daughter's face that it was a prank, she waved her hand sternly, making a threatening and negative gesture with her head.
The conversation hushed.
- Mother! what cake will it be? - Natasha's voice sounded even more resolutely, without breaking.
The Countess wanted to frown, but she couldn't. Marya Dmitrievna shook her thick finger.
“Cossack,” she said threateningly.
Most of the guests looked at the elders, unsure how to take this stunt.
- Here I am! said the Countess.
- Mother! what will the cake be? Natasha shouted already boldly and capriciously cheerfully, confident in advance that her trick would be well received.
Sonya and fat Petya were hiding from laughter.
“So I asked,” Natasha whispered to her little brother and Pierre, whom she looked at again.
“Ice cream, but they won’t give you,” said Marya Dmitrievna.
Natasha saw that there was nothing to be afraid of, and therefore she was not afraid of Marya Dmitrievna either.
— Marya Dmitrievna? what an ice cream! I don't like butter.
- Carrot.
– No, what? Marya Dmitrievna, which one? she almost screamed. - I want to know!
Marya Dmitrievna and the countess laughed, and all the guests followed. Everyone laughed not at Marya Dmitrievna's answer, but at the incomprehensible courage and dexterity of this girl, who knew how and dared to treat Marya Dmitrievna in this way.
Natasha lagged behind only when she was told that there would be pineapple. Champagne was served before ice cream. Again the music began to play, the count kissed the countess, and the guests, rising, congratulated the countess, clinked glasses across the table with the count, the children, and each other. Again the waiters ran in, the chairs rattled, and in the same order, but with redder faces, the guests returned to the drawing room and the count's study.

The Boston tables were moved apart, parties were made, and the count's guests were accommodated in two living rooms, a sofa and a library.
The count, spreading his cards like a fan, could hardly resist the habit of an afternoon nap and laughed at everything. The youth, incited by the countess, gathered around the clavichord and harp. Julie was the first, at the request of everyone, to play a piece with variations on the harp and, together with other girls, began to ask Natasha and Nikolai, known for their musicality, to sing something. Natasha, who was addressed as a big one, was apparently very proud of this, but at the same time she was shy.
- What are we going to sing? she asked.
“The key,” answered Nikolai.
- Well, let's hurry. Boris, come here, - said Natasha. - Where is Sonya?
She looked around and, seeing that her friend was not in the room, ran after her.
Running into Sonya's room and not finding her friend there, Natasha ran into the nursery - and Sonya was not there. Natasha realized that Sonya was in the corridor on a chest. The chest in the corridor was the place of sorrows of the female young generation of the Rostovs' house. Indeed, Sonya, in her airy pink dress, crushing it, lay face down on the dirty striped nanny's featherbed, on the chest, and, covering her face with her fingers, wept bitterly, trembling with her bare shoulders. Natasha's face, lively, all day long, suddenly changed: her eyes stopped, then her broad neck shuddered, the corners of her lips drooped.
– Sonya! what are you?… What, what is the matter with you? Woo woo!…
And Natasha, spreading her big mouth and becoming completely ugly, roared like a child, not knowing the reason and only because Sonya was crying. Sonya wanted to raise her head, wanted to answer, but she could not and hid even more. Natasha was crying, sitting down on a blue featherbed and hugging her friend. Gathering her strength, Sonya got up, began to wipe her tears and tell.
- Nikolenka is going in a week, his ... paper ... came out ... he told me himself ... Yes, I wouldn’t cry ... (she showed the paper she held in her hand: it was poetry written by Nikolai) I wouldn’t cry, but you won’t you can... no one can understand... what kind of soul he has.
And she began to cry again because his soul was so good.
“It’s good for you ... I don’t envy ... I love you, and Boris too,” she said, gathering her strength a little, “he’s cute ... there are no obstacles for you. And Nikolai is my cousin... it is necessary... the metropolitan himself... and that is impossible. And then, if my mother ... (Sonya considered the countess and called her mother), she will say that I spoil Nikolai's career, I have no heart, that I am ungrateful, but right ... by God ... (she crossed herself) I love her so much too , and all of you, only Vera is one ... For what? What did I do to her? I am so grateful to you that I would be glad to sacrifice everything, but I have nothing ...
Sonya could no longer speak and again hid her head in her hands and feather bed. Natasha began to calm down, but it was clear from her face that she understood the importance of her friend's grief.
– Sonya! she said suddenly, as if she had guessed real reason cousin's grief. “Right, did Vera talk to you after dinner?” Yes?
- Yes, Nikolai himself wrote these poems, and I wrote off others; she found them on my table and said that she would show them to mamma, and also said that I was ungrateful, that mamma would never allow him to marry me, and he would marry Julie. You see how he is with her all day ... Natasha! For what?…
And again she wept bitterly. Natasha lifted her up, hugged her and, smiling through her tears, began to comfort her.
“Sonya, don’t trust her, darling, don’t. Do you remember how all three of us talked with Nikolenka in the sofa room; remember after dinner? After all, we have decided how it will be. I don’t remember how, but remember how everything was fine and everything is possible. Uncle Shinshin's brother is married to a cousin, and we are second cousins. And Boris said that it is very possible. You know, I told him everything. And he is so smart and so good,” said Natasha ... “You, Sonya, don’t cry, my dear, darling, Sonya. And she kissed her, laughing. - Faith is evil, God be with her! And everything will be fine, and she will not tell her mother; Nikolenka will tell himself, and he did not even think about Julie.
And she kissed her on the head. Sonya got up, and the kitten perked up, his eyes sparkled, and he seemed ready to wave his tail, jump on his soft paws and play with the ball again, as it was proper for him.
- You think? Right? By God? she said, quickly straightening her dress and hair.
- Right, by God! - answered Natasha, straightening her friend under a scythe a strand of coarse hair that had fallen out.
And they both laughed.
- Well, let's go sing "Key".
- Let's go to.
- And you know, this fat Pierre, who was sitting opposite me, is so funny! Natasha suddenly said, stopping. - I have a lot of fun!
And Natasha ran down the corridor.
Sonya, brushing off the fluff and hiding the poems in her bosom, to the neck with protruding breast bones, with light, cheerful steps, with a flushed face, ran after Natasha along the corridor to the sofa. At the request of the guests, the young people sang the "Key" quartet, which everyone liked very much; then Nikolai sang the song he had learned again.
On a pleasant night, by moonlight,
Imagine being happy
That there is someone else in the world
Who thinks about you too!
That she, with a beautiful hand,
Walking along the golden harp,
With its passionate harmony
Calling to itself, calling you!
Another day, two, and paradise will come ...
But ah! your friend will not live!
And he had not yet finished singing the last words, when in the hall the youth prepared for dancing and the musicians in the choirs clattered their feet and coughed.

Pierre was sitting in the living room, where Shinshin, as with a visitor from abroad, started a political conversation with him that was boring for Pierre, which was joined by others. When the music started, Natasha entered the living room and, going straight up to Pierre, laughing and blushing, said:
“Mom told me to ask you to dance.
“I’m afraid to confuse the figures,” said Pierre, “but if you want to be my teacher ...
And he gave his thick hand, lowering it low to the thin girl.
While the couples were setting up and the musicians were building, Pierre sat down with his little lady. Natasha was perfectly happy; she danced with a big one who came from abroad. She sat in front of everyone and talked to him like a big one. She had a fan in her hand, which a young lady gave her to hold. And, adopting the most secular pose (God knows where and when she learned this), she, fanning herself with a fan and smiling through the fan, spoke with her gentleman.
- What is it, what is it? Look, look, - said the old countess, passing through the hall and pointing to Natasha.
Natasha blushed and laughed.
- Well, what are you, mom? Well, what are you looking for? What is surprising here?

In the middle of the third ecossaise, the chairs in the drawing-room where the count and Marya Dmitrievna were playing began to stir, and most of the honored guests and the old men, stretching after a long sitting and putting wallets and purses in their pockets, went out through the doors of the hall. Marya Dmitrievna walked in front with the count, both with merry faces. With playful politeness, as if in a ballet manner, the count extended his rounded hand to Marya Dmitrievna. He straightened up, and his face lit up with a particularly valiantly sly smile, and as soon as the last figure of the ecossaise had been danced, he clapped his hands to the musicians and shouted at the choirs, turning to the first violin:
- Semyon! Do you know Danila Kupor?
It was the count's favorite dance, danced by him in his youth. (Danilo Kupor was actually one Anglaise figure.)
“Look at dad,” Natasha shouted to the whole hall (completely forgetting that she was dancing with a big one), bending her curly head to her knees and bursting into her sonorous laughter throughout the hall.
Indeed, everything in the hall looked with a smile of joy at the cheerful old man, who, next to his dignitary lady, Marya Dmitrievna, who was taller than he, rounded his arms, shaking them in time, straightened his shoulders, twisted his legs, slightly stamping his feet, and with a more and more blossoming smile on his round face he prepared the audience for what was to come. As soon as the cheerful, defiant sounds of Danila Kupor, similar to a merry rattler, were heard, all the doors of the hall were suddenly forced on one side by male, on the other side by female smiling faces of courtyards who came out to look at the merry gentleman.
- Father is ours! Eagle! the nanny said loudly from one door.
The count danced well and knew it, but his lady did not know how and did not want to dance well. Her huge body stood upright with her powerful arms hanging down (she handed the purse to the countess); only one strict, but Beautiful face she was dancing. What was expressed in the whole round figure of the count, with Marya Dmitrievna was expressed only in a more and more smiling face and a twitching nose. But on the other hand, if the count, more and more dispersing, captivated the audience with the unexpectedness of deft tricks and light jumps of her soft legs, Marya Dmitrievna, with the slightest zeal in moving her shoulders or rounding her arms in turns and stomping, made no less impression on the merit, which was appreciated by everyone at her corpulence and everlasting severity. The dance became more and more lively. The counterparts could not draw attention to themselves for a minute and did not even try to do so. Everything was occupied by the count and Marya Dmitrievna. Natasha pulled the sleeves and dresses of all those present, who already did not take their eyes off the dancers, and demanded that they look at papa. During the intervals of the dance, the count took a deep breath, waved and shouted to the musicians to play faster. Quicker, faster and faster, more and more and more, the count unfolded, now on tiptoe, now on heels, rushing around Marya Dmitrievna and, finally, turning his lady to her place, made the last step, raising his soft leg upward from behind, bending his sweating head with a smiling face and roundly waving right hand among the roar of applause and laughter, especially Natasha. Both dancers stopped, breathing heavily and wiping themselves with cambric handkerchiefs.
“This is how they danced in our time, ma chere,” said the count.
- Oh yes Danila Kupor! ' said Marya Dmitrievna, letting out her breath heavily and continuously, and rolling up her sleeves.

While the sixth anglaise was being danced in the hall at the Rostovs' to the sounds of tired musicians who were out of tune, and the tired waiters and cooks were preparing dinner, the sixth stroke took place with Count Bezukhim. The doctors announced that there was no hope of recovery; the patient was given a deaf confession and communion; preparations were made for the unction, and the house was full of fuss and anxiety of expectation, common at such moments. Outside the house, behind the gates, undertakers crowded, hiding from the approaching carriages, waiting for a rich order for the count's funeral. The Commander-in-Chief of Moscow, who constantly sent adjutants to learn about the position of the count, that evening he himself came to say goodbye to the famous Catherine's nobleman, Count Bezukhim.
The magnificent reception room was full. Everyone stood up respectfully when the commander-in-chief, after being alone with the patient for about half an hour, came out of there, slightly answering the bows and trying as soon as possible to get past the eyes of doctors, clergy and relatives fixed on him. Prince Vasily, who had grown thinner and paler these days, saw off the commander-in-chief and quietly repeated something to him several times.
After seeing off the commander-in-chief, Prince Vasily sat alone in the hall on a chair, throwing his legs high over his legs, resting his elbow on his knee and closing his eyes with his hand. After sitting like this for some time, he got up and with unusually hasty steps, looking around with frightened eyes, went through a long corridor to the back half of the house, to the elder princess.
Those who were in the dimly lit room spoke among themselves in an uneven whisper and fell silent each time, and with eyes full of question and expectation looked back at the door that led to the chambers of the dying man and emitted faint sound when someone left it or entered it.
“The human limit,” the old man, a clergyman, said to the lady who sat down next to him and listened naively to him, “the limit is set, but you can’t pass it.”
– I think it’s not too late to unction? - adding a spiritual title, the lady asked, as if she did not have any opinion on this matter.
“A sacrament, mother, great,” the clergyman answered, running his hand over his bald head, along which lay several strands of combed half-gray hair.
- Who is this? Was he the commander in chief? asked at the other end of the room. - What a youthful! ...
- And the seventh ten! What, they say, the count does not know? Wanted to congregate?
- I knew one thing: I took unction seven times.
The second princess had just left the patient's room with tearful eyes and sat down beside Dr. Lorrain, who was sitting in a graceful pose under the portrait of Catherine, leaning on the table.
“Tres beau,” said the doctor, answering a question about the weather, “tres beau, princesse, et puis, a Moscou on se croit a la campagne.” [beautiful weather, princess, and then Moscow looks so much like a village.]

Almost two weeks, no one in the country, in fact, did not work. The breathtaking live broadcast of the debates riveted the entire adult population of the USSR to the screens. The society looked at the TV as in a mirror, recognizing and at the same time not recognizing itself in it. It turns out that one can freely and openly argue with the Secretary General himself. You can make speeches that have not passed preliminary censorship in the offices of the Central Committee.

M.S. Gorbachev: "The whole point of the reforms I saw was precisely to create constitutional mechanisms in which relations between social strata and people are clarified through politics."

M.S.Gorbachev. From the book "Life and Reforms":

May 25, 1989 10 a.m. The Kremlin Palace of Congresses is filled to capacity. The stage, as always, is decorated with a huge panel with a portrait of Lenin. Many familiar faces in the stalls, in the boxes for diplomats and journalists. Television cameras are buzzing, everything is routine and familiar. Innovation: members of the Politburo are sitting among other people's deputies. And those of them that were left without mandates are among the guests, like mere mortals. And the congress is opened not by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU or the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, but by the Chairman of the Central Election Commission for the Election of People's Deputies V.P. Orlov.
But still little has changed.
This impression is reinforced by Orlov's introductory speech. The chairman of the Central Election Commission speaks of new phenomena in the old style. Standard “lofty” expressions sound: “Broad, hitherto unprecedented publicity”, “The rapid growth of the political activity of the working people”, “Perestroika has become a nationwide cause, the Soviet people spoke in favor of its further deepening”, “The elections became a step of fundamental importance, advanced our society along the path , scheduled by the XXVII Party Congress and the XIX All-Union Conference of the CPSU", "The people see in Lenin's party a force capable of rallying Soviet society", "We have not yet had a more powerful nationwide referendum in favor of the Communist Party, its course for renewal."
Sitting in the front row, I hear behind, where the deputies from Moscow are seated, rustling, whispering, people are clearly starting to get annoyed, this was not the expected start from the opening of the congress. I reproach myself for not attaching importance to this important detail. But there was no need to think too much about it. As soon as the opening of the Congress of People's Deputies was announced, its course did not go according to the prepared scenario. The first unscheduled performance: a doctor from Riga, VF Tolpezhnikov, is on the podium, and the audience rises to honor the memory of those who died in Tbilisi. The emotional scene immediately translates the arrows of political time into a new dimension. Now everyone is aware that our state ship, moored to the same pier for many years, set off on an unknown voyage.
And the course was laid for him not only by "pilots" from Staraya Square and the Kremlin. This came to light already during the discussion of the agenda. The opposition, through the mouth of its leader Sakharov, demanded a change in the order of discussion of the issues named in it: first, the report of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, a discussion of the situation in the country, and then the election of a new head of state and the composition of the Supreme Council.

Here is what Andrei Dmitrievich said then: “I have repeatedly expressed support for the candidacy of Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev in my speeches. I adhere to this position even now, because I do not see another person who could lead our country. But I don't see it at the moment. My support is conditional. I believe that a discussion is necessary, a report from the candidates is necessary, because we must keep in mind the alternative principle of all elections at this congress, including the election of the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. I say the word "candidates", although I think it is quite possible that there will be no other candidates. Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, who was the founder of perestroika, whose name is associated with the beginning of the process of perestroika and leadership of the country for four years, should tell about what happened in our country during these four years. He must speak about both achievements and mistakes, speak about it self-critically. And our position will also depend on this.”
A certain inconsistency is striking: on the one hand, Sakharov admits that there may not be other candidates in this situation, and on the other hand, he insists on listening to my report first and giving it an assessment. At first, I thought that this was dictated by the desire from the very beginning to introduce the work of the legislature into the mainstream of a solid democratic procedure. But, after reflecting on the position of our radicals, I came to the conclusion that another motive is much more significant here - to impose our own program of action.

I guess that, being in a state of euphoria after their first great success in the elections, the founders of the democratic movement, who until recently worked as foremen of perestroika, were annoyed, and in some way offended, that I did not respond to their appeals. They must have reasoned something like this: "It was enough for the first jerk, and that's it." In any case, they did not forgive me for this refusal, and very soon I felt it from the sharpness and indecency of attacks on myself for any reason and without reason.

M.S.Gorbachev. Life and reforms. M. "Publishing house" News "". 1995. Vol.1. pp.563-572

"On the results of the Congress of People's Deputies". Recording of the discussion at the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. June 19, 1989
From the speech of M.S. Gorbachev: “The country is different, and our views must be updated. If we don’t do this, we will lose. Is the Congress a success or a failure? From the height of political analysis, we can say that this is a great success, and achieved in the most difficult context of great social tension.
The highest bodies of state power have been formed. We discussed domestic and foreign policy. And this discussion has revealed a great convergence of views, although other seeds have been thrown. The difference, rather, lies in the radicalness and depth of practical assessments.
The congress had a pronounced democratic character. A colossal emancipation of thought, although there were also empty, meaningless speeches nearby. Everything must be taken as it is. The congress gave a powerful cut of moods in the society. Everything was unusual. Scatter of opinions, personal criticism, uncomfortable situation, but you can’t count on anything else.
The congress is a real transfer of power at the highest level, and we will continue to do the same at the republican and local levels. It will be no less painful process. Not two thousand, but two 2 million deputies will participate in it ... "

Unforgettable eighty-ninth
Alexander Gelman
http://kommersant.ru/doc/1171004

The idol of graduate student Medvedev
Anatoly Sobchak was one of the main characters of the First Congress and certainly the most striking discovery
Ludmila Narusova
http://kommersant.ru/doc/1171005

convention stars
Quotations from speeches at the congress.
http://kommersant.ru/doc/1171009

Rafig Nishanov: "I was mobilized as a party soldier..."
http://kommersant.ru/doc/1171006

One-party system. Take two
Dmitry Oreshkin, political scientist
http://kommersant.ru/doc/1171007

The convention that changed the world (2013)

The congress, which changed the world, changed us - this is the topic of our conversation with Sergei Borisovich Stankevich, People's Deputy of the USSR politician.

Vytautas Landsbergis, Arkady Murashev, Sergey Stankevich - about the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR

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Film of the TV channel "Nostalgia":

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. First part

From May to June 1989, the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held in Moscow. Citizens of the Soviet Union witnessed the first political debates on live television. Speeches by Galina Starovoitova, Anatoly Sobchak, Boris Yeltsin and other politicians.

00:00:49 Gorbachev on the podium, with words of gratitude

00:03:39 Meeting of April 26, 1989. The speaker spoke about the elections to the council of the union and the council of nationality.

00:08:43 Galina Starovoitova on the rostrum, about the events in Karabakh, “to consider voting on Karabakh invalid”

00:09:52 Anatoly Sobchak on the podium, about the laying of a new political system, about elections to the Council of Nationalities, criticism of the chairman, about Karabakh.

00:14:21 Lukyanov on the podium: “Who is responsible for internal politics? About Ivanov and Gdlyan, about the rehabilitation of the repressed, about amendments to the law, about the party that develops a unified policy.

00:25:31 Meeting of the congress on 05/29/1989

00:25:50 V. Kiselev on the podium: "All deputies should speak on television, the people should know them by sight." To Gorbachev: "He holds two positions." About Yeltsin, who "should participate in social and political activities"

00:26:17 In the frame Iosif Kobzon, in the hall.

00:26:23 Genrikh Borovik is in the frame, in the hall.

00:26:41 Composer Andrey Eshpay is in the frame.

00:32:06 Yuri Lodkin from the rostrum, about the correctness of the elections to the Supreme Council, we must listen to the people, "hitting" Gorbachev, about the council of nationalities.

00:33:47 In the frame B. Yeltsin, in the hall (angry)

00:38:45 Designer Chernyshev, from the podium about the low efficiency of the congress, Gorbachev was chosen without an alternative, about Sakharov, about Vysotsky

00:46:33 A deputy from Chisinau. National District. From the rostrum about the oppression of Lithuania, for the roll-call vote: "Who is for" and "against" - to make public." About events in Tbilisi

00:48:42 Applause in the audience.

00:52:29 Zaslavsky from the podium, about the disabled, about the alternative elections of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Supreme Judge, about the roll call. "It is necessary to devote one day to environmental issues."

00:53:39 On camera M. Gorbachev, in the presidium (angry)

On May 30, the 2nd meeting of the Congress was held, at which Evgeny Yevtushenko, Evgeny Primakov, Genrikh Borovik, Dmitry Likhachev spoke. The meeting is chaired by Rafik Nishanov.

00.00.28 Dmitry Likhachev, academician, - about culture, about national enmity, about libraries, about teachers, about reducing the administrative apparatus of ministries, about museums, about homelessness of children, reads a letter from mothers.

00.17.48 MP from Georgia from the rostrum - about the events in Tbilisi. Hall applauds standing, escorts the previous speaker.

00.28.04 Yevtushenko in the hall, standing applauding

00.28.11 Gorbachev is in the frame, listening.

00.28.16 General Rodionov from the podium - a political assessment of the events in Tbilisi, a seemingly peaceful rally, but national and anti-Russian sentiments were kindled, the complication of the situation was caused by the introduction of troops, about sapper shovels.

00.41.06 Writer Adamovich from the rostrum, - about the events in Minsk, "attack" on the writer Karpov.

00.43.13 Deputy from Latvia - about the events in Vilnius

00.44.55 Deputy Karyakin, from the rostrum, about provocations, about the events in Czechoslovakia "attack" on G. Borovik

00.46.35 Deputy from the 303rd constituency from the rostrum, - about the events in Riga.

00.48.21 Gorbachev from his seat in the presidium - about the tense situation in Tbilisi at that time.

00.51.35 G. Borovik from the podium - about the insult inflicted on him, had nothing to do with the events in Czechoslovakia

00.53.40 Gdlyan from the podium - about the investigation of the events in Tbilisi.

00.56.22 Academician A. Sakharov from the rostrum, - about the lists to the commission on Tbilisi, about Gdlyan's investigative group

00.58.30 Poltoranin, from the podium, about the nominations to the commission.

00.59.05 Primakov from the podium, - about the work of the commission.

00.59.43 The kazannik from the podium, about self-withdrawal.

On May 31, the 3rd meeting of the Congress was held, at which Vasily Starodubtsev, Yuri Vlasov, Pavel Bunich spoke. Chaired by Algirdas Brazauskas

00.00.14 The meeting is chaired by A. Brazauskas.

00.00.51 Starodubtsev agrarian, from the rostrum, on the main directions of the domestic and foreign policy of the USSR. About empty shelves - soap on coupons, the country is in a dead end, the line between the city and the countryside has not been erased, only the line remains, 100 thousand villages have disappeared, it is necessary to feed the people, there are too many advisers, about the monopoly of industry, killing the peasantry, about the private sector, about cooperation about the peasantry.

00.16.34 A. Brazauskas, from the rostrum, on national relations, on sovereignty, on the independence of the republics, on the document of 1939 between the USSR and Germany, which sealed the fate of the Baltic countries, an assessment of these documents is needed, in their historical truth in the name of the Baltic people , we must actively work with progressively minded emigrants.

00.30.30 Yuri Vlasov, from the rostrum, about ecology, about democracy, "collision" on the work of television, the program "Time" - distorts the facts. The congress should elect the post of the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company and the editor-in-chief of Izvestia, it is impossible that important posts go to the apparatus, "hit" on Gorbachev, on the impeachment of the chairman, on corruption, on the burial places of soldiers, on the KGB, on the events in Tbilisi.

00.47.39 P. Bunich economist, from the podium, about the country's economy, about equalization, who does not work, he eats, about self-financing, about rent and state property, about cooperatives.

On June 1, the 4th meeting of the Congress took place, at which Albert Likhanov, Yuri Chernichenko and Evgeny Yevtushenko spoke.

00.00.35 Writer A. Likhanov, from the podium: about children, about children's medicine, about the law “On the Rights of the Child”

09/00/56 In the frame: Fedorov, an ophthalmologist, in the hall

00.18.03 Y. Chernichenko, from the rostrum: about Muscovites, about agriculture, criticizes everything, "attack" on Ligachev, about bureaucrats; about buying grain abroad, when we have our own wheat, to adopt a land law; leads Lenin's slogan "from the surplus to the tax in kind"

00.36.22 E. Yevtushenko, from the rostrum: introduces new articles into the constitution - on the sovereignty and national dignity of each republic of the USSR, on rural labor, on privileges, on returning Soviet citizenship, on Soviet army, about the anthem, about the spiritual revolution

00.38.36 In the frame: doctor Elizarov, in the hall

00.49.28 In the frame: Gorbachev, listening attentively.

On June 2, the 5th meeting of the Congress was held, at which Mikhail Gorbachev, Nikolai Ryzhkov, Yuri Karyakin and Chingiz Aitmatov spoke.

00.01.03 Chingiz Aitmatov, from the rostrum, about the economy, about national relations, about the sovereignty of the republics, about national languages

00.19.36 Y. Karyakin, from the rostrum, - about the authorities and the people, dish-loving, appeals to Gorbachev with a request for Solzhenitsyn, for the reburial of Lenin, lists on the orders of the Lubyanka, read out a letter from a group of deputies against Sakharov. Reads a letter from soldiers' mothers.

00.32.11 in the frame of A. Sakharov, in the hall.

00.33.00 Gorbachev from the spot, about the events in Uzbekistan. Meeting dated 06/07/1989

00.35.56 N. Ryzhkov, from the podium.

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From Facebook comments:

Anatoly Kovalev
I look and my heart bleeds! But we were so free. Such sincere believers in a brighter future. But everything could have turned out differently. Sincerely sorry for the wasted time. Lost opportunities. But I believe that perestroika will still be carried through to the end.

Irina Dolgopolova
The only time I wanted to live in Russia. Did not work out.

Tata Liber
I remember listening everywhere: at work, at home, in transport - history was born before our eyes!

Edward Glezin
During the days of the Congress, even labor productivity fell due to the general interest in politics ✌

Alena Golubeva
I remember that we even went to the beach with the receiver.

Olga Andreeva
Everything was new, interesting, significant. Most remembered Andrei Sakharov, Anatoly Sobchak, Boris Yeltsin. How long has it been...

Larisa Knutareva
And for us at the research institute, the authorities carefully turned on the broadcast in each room.

Islam Tokhchukov
At that time I was completing my military service. I watched at the slightest opportunity, rejoiced at how timely I was born and matured.

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I invite everyone to the group "Perestroika - an era of change"

For the first time, meetings of the highest authority were broadcast on radio and television. Millions of people did not tear themselves away from loudspeakers and screens.

Newspapers with materials from the congress were in great demand.

“These were great weeks in the history of the country,” wrote A.N. Yakovlev. - An exciting event that laid the practical foundation for parliamentarism in the USSR and in Russia. I think there is still no complete understanding of the significance of this fact.

Describing the prospects that opened up in this regard for our country, M.S. Gorbachev writes: “I don’t remember who was the first to say this, but everyone supported it: from now on, congresses of people’s deputies, and not congresses of the CPSU, will become the main political forums that determine the life of the country.” And further: “It was a sharp turn, a real change of milestones, which should be followed by a gradual replacement of the old institutions of power, and its symbols.”

That is, the coat of arms, banner and anthem.

Article 110 of the Constitution of the USSR read: "The first meeting of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR after the elections is chaired by the Chairman of the Central Election Commission for the Election of People's Deputies of the USSR, and then the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR or his deputy." However, apparently fearing surprises, as soon as the presidium of the congress was elected, M.S. Gorbachev took over the chairmanship. In this regard, all the subsequent work of the congress, in fact, acquired an illegal character.

After the report of the mandate commission, the people's deputies elected the Chairman of the Supreme Council, which was M.S. Gorbachev, then - the Supreme Council itself.

When the members of the Supreme Council were elected, all the candidates proposed by the opposition were unsuccessful, and among them was B.N. Yeltsin. Then the next day, the deputy from Omsk A. Kazannik resigned. The vacant seat was taken by Boris Nikolaevich.

I well remember how the said episode was shown on television and how touching it looked. Only later did it become known that this whole story was played out according to a pre-compiled scenario.

It turns out that after the congress rejected the candidacy of B.N. Yeltsin, G.Kh. Popov met with M.S. Gorbachev and put before him the question of the need to correct what had happened. “Gorbachev understood,” notes Gavriil Kharitonovich, “that if the Supreme Soviet, where neither Sakharov, nor Afanasyev, nor me were elected, would be without opposition deputies at all, then it would not be possible to make it a lever of pressure on the Central Committee, as Mikhail Sergeyevich thought, it would not succeed” . But he did not see a way out of the current situation.

“And if we find a way out ourselves,” I asked, “will you support us?” "Yes," he replied. And he kept his word. What follows is well known. Siberian deputy Alexei Kazannik, after my conversation with him, decided to refuse to work in the Supreme Soviet. Yeltsin was next in the number of votes. So he ended up in the Supreme Soviet. But here the “aggressively-obedient majority”, having seen through our trick, became indignant and began to demand new elections. Gorbachev replied: they say, everything is according to the regulations. If someone refuses, then the next one after him passes.

According to former assistant B.N. Yeltsin L. Sukhanova, M.S. Gorbachev not only showed interest in Boris Nikolayevich getting into the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but also ensured that the Committee for Architecture and Construction was created especially for him in the Supreme Soviet.

This suggests that B.N. Yeltsin was assigned the role of leader of the opposition in the first Soviet parliament, and Mikhail Sergeevich contributed to this in every possible way.

The most heated debate at the congress revolved around the report “On the Main Directions of the Internal and Foreign Policy of the USSR”, which was delivered by M.S. Gorbachev. After a heated debate, the congress decided to "move over to a new model of the economy", which would be characterized by a complete refusal now not of the party, as was said before, but of the state "of the functions of direct intervention in the operational management of economic units" . Translated into ordinary language, this meant the transition to a market economy.

At the same time, the formation of the parliamentary opposition took place. G.H. Popov describes the circumstances of its appearance as follows: “According to the regulations, only territorial groups were allowed to be created at the congress, and they were led by the secretaries of the regional committees, who tightly controlled their delegation, suppressing any dissent.”

As a result, Gavriil Kharitonovich argues, at the very beginning of the congress, "our Moscow group - it included Yeltsin, Sakharov, Afanasiev, Adamovich, myself, other opposition deputies - each time ended up in the minority." “Sakharov and I had a talk with Gorbachev. He said that he would try not to interfere with our work.

“But the majority of deputies still pressed us. That's when I proposed to create an interregional group. Like, if territorial deputy communities are envisaged, then inter-regional ones should also be legalized. It was, it seems, the only way, without going beyond the limits of the congress regulations, to unite the deputies of the opposition. Which is what we did."

There are reasons to doubt this version. The fact is that the Congress opened on May 25, and a day later, on May 27, Gavriil Kharitonovich took the podium and made the following statement: “A group of regional Moscow deputies from scientific organizations, from creative unions considers it necessary to withdraw from the all-Moscow delegation. We propose to think about the formation of an inter-regional independent deputy group and invite all comrades of deputies to join this group.

This gives grounds to assume that the creation of an "independent deputy group" began even before the opening of the congress.

According to G.Kh. Popov, at first in the Interregional Deputy Group "there were 60 people, then 70, then 100", by the end of the congress "150 deputies". According to D. Matlock, “by the summer” there was a consolidation of “more than three hundred deputies”. Soon their number approached 400. And the alliance with the Balts made it possible to bring the number of members of the opposition to 1/4 - the right to demand the convocation of a congress.

The opposition openly raised its banner when Academician A.D. Sakharov. He proposed to adopt a decree on power, which would proclaim the abolition of the 6th article on the leading role of the party and the transfer of real power in the country to the Soviets at all levels. And although the political reform was aimed precisely at this, M.S. Gorbachev refused to put the proposal to a vote.

The reason for this, apparently, was that, according to his plan, the completion of the political reform should have been the elections to local Soviets, which were first scheduled for autumn 1989, then postponed to March 1990. Therefore, M.S. Gorbachev rejected the proposal of A.D. Sakharov not in essence, but for tactical reasons.

It is unlikely that Andrei Dmitrievich and his like-minded people then expected to receive the necessary support, but they hoped in this way not only to rally the opposition at the congress itself, but also to use the demand for the abolition of Article 6 to unite the opposition throughout the country.

Three more questions played an important role in uniting the opposition: a) about the events in Tbilisi in 1989, b) about the secret protocol of 1939 and c) about the case of T.Kh. Gdlyan and N.I. Ivanova. On all these issues special parliamentary commissions were created . The first was headed by A.A. Sobchak, the second - A.N. Yakovlev, the third - R.A. Medvedev.

Of particular importance for the fate of the country was the second question, the solution of which largely depended on the fate of not only the Baltic states, but the entire Soviet Union.

On May 11, the question of the Baltics was specially submitted to a meeting of the Politburo. “The day before yesterday,” we read in the diary of A.S. Chernyaeva, - The PB considered the situation in the Baltic states. Six members of the PB, after all sorts of commissions and expeditions, presented a note - pogrom, panicky: "everything is collapsing", "power goes to the popular fronts." In this spirit, the work of the first three secretaries went on: Vaino (meaning Vaino Vyalyas - A.O.), Brazauskas, Vargis. But they didn't let themselves be eaten. They behaved with dignity."

Moreover, as it appears from the diary of V.I. Vorotnikov, A. Brazauzkas said that the Lithuanian communists "demand independence and full economic accountability."

How did M.S. behave in this situation? Gorbachev? “We trust the first secretaries,” he said. - Otherwise it can not be. One cannot “identify the popular fronts, followed by 90 percent of the people of the republics, with extremists... If a referendum is announced, not a single [republic], even Lithuania, will “leave”. Involve the leaders of the "popular fronts" in state, government activities, put them in positions ... think about how to transform the federation in practice ... go forward as much as possible.

In his speech, M.S. Gorbachev also formulated the maximum that in this case he was ready to go. “The interests of the Union, the Center,” he stressed, “are not very great: the army, the state apparatus, science. The rest is up to the republics."

The rest is land ownership, industry, agriculture, transport, internal and international trade, customs, finance, money issue, police, state security, domestic and foreign policy, i.e. almost everything, including the army, and the state apparatus, and science, since the laws on them and money were to become the prerogative of the republics.

Thus, M.S. Gorbachev demonstrated that when he spoke of reforming the Soviet Union as a federation, he meant turning it into a confederation, if not a commonwealth.

And none of the members of the Politburo was alarmed. None of them reacted to such a revelation of the Secretary General.

Is it any wonder after that that on May 18 the Supreme Council of Lithuania “adopted amendments to the Constitution, according to which the laws of the USSR are valid after their approval by the Supreme Council of the Republic. A declaration on state sovereignty and a law on the foundations of economic independence were also adopted. Somewhat later, on July 28, the Supreme Council of Latvia adopted a declaration of sovereignty.

On June 1, 1989, a deputy from Estonia, academician E.T. Lippmaa proposed the creation of a Commission for the Political and Legal Evaluation of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact of 1939. This proposal was approved by the congress. Moreover, at the suggestion of M.S. Gorbachev, A.N. was included in the commission. Yakovlev, who became its chairman.

Here, it should probably be noted that the International Commission of the Central Committee of the CPSU headed by him on issues of international politics discussed the issue of unleashing the Second World War, including the secret protocol on August 23, 1939, as early as March 28, 1989, i.e. one day after the elections of people's deputies were held. However, it was not possible to achieve a decision condemning this protocol at that time.

But on May 18, the Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR adopted the Declaration "On the State Sovereignty of Lithuania", which condemned the inclusion of the republic in 1940 into the USSR and appealed "to the Congress of People's Deputies and the Government of the USSR with a demand to condemn the secret deals between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany 1939 -1941, declare them illegal, null and void from the moment of their signing. On the same day, May 18, a similar decision regarding the "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact" was adopted by the Estonian Supreme Soviet. Later they were joined by Latvia.

Consequently, the aforementioned Estonian deputy acted in full accordance with A.N. Yakovlev and decisions of the Supreme Soviets of the Baltic republics. It is no coincidence that Alexander Nikolayevich was elected chairman of the congress commission on this issue.

The commission included Ch. Aitmatov, Alexy II, G. Arbatov, L. Arutyunyan, Yu. Afanasyev, I. Druta, A. Kazannik, V. Korotich, V. Shinkaruk. V.M. became the “working coordinator”. Falin.

On August 6, 1989, "Soviet Russia" published an article "August 39 - before and after", which posed questions: why the question of the secret protocol was raised and what would it mean to recognize its illegality, and gave the following answer to them: " If we consider the changes in the Soviet western state border after August 23, 1939 as a consequence of an illegal treaty, then automatically the result of the rejection of the 1939 treaty should be the restoration of the Soviet western border at the time of August 23, 1939. This will mean the loss of Soviet sovereignty over the three Baltic republics, the western regions of Ukraine and Belarus, Northern Bukovina and Moldova, the northern part of the Leningrad region (the Karelian Isthmus and the northern shore of Lake Ladoga) and part of the Karelian ASSR.

Speaking at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Latvian SSR A.V. Gorbunov proposed to make significant changes to the Constitution of the USSR: a) to supplement it with the Union Treaty, which could be signed by the union republics, b) to transfer to the union republics all power on their territory, c) to assign to the union republics all property located on their territory.

Essentially A.V. Gorbunov, on behalf of the Latvian delegation, raised the question of turning the USSR into a confederation. And although his proposal was not put to a vote, it did not raise objections from the leadership of the CPSU and the USSR.

As Professor M.L. Bronstein, "at the first Congress of People's Deputies" A.D. Sakharov made "a proposal to reform the Soviet Union on the model of the European Union", i.e. in fact, with the idea of ​​the destruction of the USSR. “Among the supporters of a phased ... reform of the USSR according to a model close to the European Union,” was M.L. Bronstein.

Many consider the actions of A.D. Sakharov at the congress as the actions of an enthusiast - a loner. However, according to M.L. Bronstein, during the work of the congress A.D. Sakharov maintained relations with M.S. Gorbachev, and Viktor Palm, one of the founders of the Estonian Popular Front, acted as a shuttle between them.

Thus, the First Congress of People's Deputies can be regarded as a turning point in the history of our country, which became an important milestone on the way to the removal of the CPSU from power, the transition of the Soviet Union to a market economy and preparations for the destruction of the USSR.

The following decision of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was in full accordance with this: “Based on international norms and principles, including those contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Helsinki Agreement and agreements at the Vienna meetings, bringing domestic legislation in line with it, the USSR will contribute to the creation of a world community of rule-of-law states.

Notes:

Medvedev V.A. Perestroika had its chance // Breakthrough to freedom. About perestroika twenty years later. Critical analysis. M, 2005. S. 67.

Gorbachev M.S. From a speech at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU on March 11, 1985 // Collected. op. T. 2. M., 2008. S. 157.

Volkogonov D.A. Seven leaders. Gallery of leaders of the USSR. Book. 2. Leonid Brezhnev. Yuri Andropov. Konstantin Chernenko. Mikhail Gorbachev. S. 1997. S. 304–305.

Dobrynin A. Completely confidential. Ambassador to Washington under six US presidents (1962-1986) M., 1996. S. 607.

XXVI Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. February 23 - March 3, 1981 Verbatim record. T. 1. M., 1981. S. 40.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 2. p. 7.

Brzezinski 3. Large chessboard. M., 1998. S. 13–20.

Dobrynin A. Completely confidential. S. 607.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 207.

Gaidar E.T. The death of an empire. pp. 131–205; Ostrovsky A.V. Who appointed Gorbachev? pp. 30–32, 37–41.

Chernyaev A.S. Six years with Gorbachev. S. 41.

Dobrynin A. Completely confidential. S. 607.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 2. S. 311.

There. S. 312.

"We had no time for Europe." Alexander Yakovlev about chaos in foreign policy USSR in the mid-80s // Kommersant - power. 2005. No. 8. S. 45.

Christians F.W. Roads to Russia. Through the storms of time M., 1990. S. 129.

International banks and insurance companies in the capital world. Economic - statistical reference book. M., 1988. S. 98–101.

Christians F.W. 1) Roads to Russia. Through the storms of time S. 129; 2) You underestimate the time factor. The conversation was conducted by V. Zapevalov // Literary newspaper. 1990. June 13.

Christians F.W. Roads to Russia. Through the storms of time S. 129.

From a conversation with the Chairman of the Board of "Deutsche Bank" V. Christians. April 18, 1985 // AGF. F. 2. Op. 1. D. 4506. 2 sheets.

Christians F.W. You underestimate the time factor. The conversation was conducted by V. Zapevalov // Literary newspaper. 1990. June 13.

Medvedev V.T. The man behind. M., 1994. S. 290–291.

Grachev A.S. Gorbachev. S. 165.

Gorbachev M.S. Reflections on the past and future. 2nd ed. M., 2002. S. 228.

Speech to members of the British Parliament on December 18, 1984 // Gorbachev M.S. Sobr. op. T. 2. S. 130.

Yakovlev A.N. Dust. S. 413.

Ligachev E.K. Warning. pp. 117–118.

There. S. 122.

Shakhnazarov G.Kh. - Gorbachev M.S. September 1988 // AGF. F. 5. 0p. 1. D. 18165. L. 1.

Archives of the Kremlin and Staraya Square. P. 199. On February 2, similar information on the RSFSR was presented to the Central Committee of the CPSU by V.I. Vorotnikov // Ibid. S. 200.

Anniversary of Leonid Batkin // Radio Liberty. June 29, 2007 // http://www.svobodanews.ru/content/Transcript/400037.html# ixzz2KsXxAw00.

Transcript of the conversation with Yu.A. Prokofiev at RTSKhIDNI October 30, 1996 // RGASPI. F. 660. Op. 6. D. 15. L. 216.

There. S. 100.

Sheinis V.L. The Rise and Fall of Parliament. T. 1. S. 120.

"The intelligentsia created a political club ...". On the creation of the discussion club "Moscow Tribune" // Russian Thought. Paris, 1988. 21 October.

Sheinis V.L. The Rise and Fall of Parliament. T. 1. S. 119.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 374; Kolesnikov A. The state of the general secretary is stable // Kommersant. 2001. 17 August.

Three days. Conversation between Alexander Prokhanov and Valery Boldin // Tomorrow. 1999. No. 33. August 17, 1999.

Sukhanov L. Three years with Yeltsin. Notes of the First Secretary. Riga, 1992, p. 49.

Sukhanov L. Three years with Yeltsin. S. 27.

Pavlov B.C. August from within. S. 22, 25.

Yakovlev A.N. Dust. S. 406.

A year after the resignation of B.N. Yeltsin gave an interview to the BBC, CBS and ABC (Yeltsin B.N. Meeting at the Higher Komsomol School. November 12, 1988 // RGANI. F. 89. Op. 8. D. 29 L. 22).

How the policy of perestroika was "made". S. 46.

Sukhanov L. Three years with Yeltsin. S. 59.

Pribylovsky V. Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich // Antikompromat. Public Internet Library of V. Pribylovsky; XIX All-Union Conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. June 28 - July 1, 1988. Vol. 2. S. 243.

There. pp. 55–62.

Yeltsin B.N. Confession on a given topic. M.: Ogonyok, 1990. S. 87–93.

Matlock D. The Death of an Empire. S. 105.

Olbik A.S. What's around the corner? Or 30 hours in the company of interesting interlocutors. Riga. 1990, pp. 116–135.

Social justice - the compass of perestroika // Soviet youth. Riga. 1988. August 4 (interview with B.N. Yeltsin, interviewed by A. Olbik).

Social justice - the compass of perestroika // Jurmala. 1988. August 4, (interview with B.N. Yeltsin, interviewed by A. Olbik).

Olbik A.S. Nostalgic chronicles. M., 2006. section - 4 / section - 4–12/6409 - Nostalgicheskie_hroniki_ sbornik_intervyu - 01bik_ Aleksandr. html).

Braithwaite R. Beyond the Moscow River. Inverted world. Per. from English. M., 2004. S. 145.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 414.

For Peace and Progress (G. Zhavoronkov's interview with A.D. Sakharov) // Moscow News. No. 6. February 5th. pp. 8–9; See also: Sakharov A.D. About peace, perestroika and progress // Interlocutor. 1989. No. 8. S. 5.

Sakharov A.D. Anxiety and hope. M., 1991. S. 259.

For Peace and Progress (G. Zhavoronkov's interview with A.D. Sakharov) // Moscow News. No. 6. February 5th. pp. 8–9.

Ostrovsky A.V. Who appointed Gorbachev. pp. 238–239.

Sakharov A.D. Anxiety and hope. S. 259.

Efremov G. We are people to each other. S. 169.

Peters J. The heart of Latvia is still alive // ​​The Baltic Way to Freedom. S. 98.

Matlock D. The Death of an Empire. S. 192.

Grigoryan R. Unknown pages of the "Singing Revolution" // Anatomy of independence. S. 177.

Serkov A.I. Russian Freemasonry. 1731–2000 Encyclopedic Dictionary. M., 2001. S. 547, 1154–1156, 1165–1167, 1177–1178, 1205–1207.

Zemtsov I.G. People and masks. Book. 1. S. 64.

Ostrovsky A.V. Solzhenitsyn: farewell to the myth. pp. 551–552.

Soros on Soros. Ahead of change. George Soros with Byron Wien and Christina Coenen. Per. from English. M., 1996. S. 133.

Kolesnikov A. Unknown Chubais. pp. 68–69.

There. S. 69.

According to R.B. Evdokimov, the criminal underground began to seek ties with the opposition movement and provide it with material support already in 1987 (Recording of a conversation with R.B. Evdokimov. St. Petersburg. February 19, 2007 // Author's archive). And in 1990, at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, P. Luchinsky said: “The shadow economy serves the entire opposition. He gives her money in bags. They openly give her the means of printing, paper, etc.” (Meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. September 13, 1990 // RGANI. F. 89. Op. 42, d. 29. L. 23).

In the Central Election Commission for the Election of People's Deputies of the USSR // Izvestia. 1989. April 5.

Report of the Central Election Commission on the results of the elections of people's deputies of the USSR in 1989. April 4, 1989 // Izvestia. 1989. April 5.

There. See also: Spring 89. Geography and anatomy of parliamentary elections. M. 1990.

List of people's deputies of the USSR elected from territorial, national-territorial districts and from public organizations // Izvestia. 1989. April 5. pp. 2–12.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 426–430. In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. pp. 460–466.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 426.

Senin V.T. Acknowledgment of complicity. S. 205.

“I have walked the constitutional path to the end”: Mikhail Gorbachev on the events of five years ago and what followed them // Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 1996. December 25.

Shakhnazarov G.Kh. With leaders and without them. S. 331.

In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU ... S. 464.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 429.

See: Sobchak A.A. Tbilisi break, or Bloody Sunday 1989. M., 1993. Froyanov I.Ya. Dive into the abyss. SPb., 1996. S. 251–278; Tbilisi, April 1989. Publication of St. Popova, Yu.V. Vasilyeva, A.D. Chernyaeva // Historical archive. 1993. No. 3. From 95–122.

Sobchak A.A. Tbilisi fracture. P. 101 (report by I.N. Rodionov).

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 1. S. 517–518 (presentation by T. V. Gamkrelidze).

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. Vol. 1, pp. 524–526 (presentation by I.N. Rodionov); Sobchak A. A. Tbilisi fracture. P. 102 (report by I.N. Rodionov).

Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia, the Presidium of the Supreme Council and the Council of Ministers of the Republic // Dawn of the East. 1989. April 11; Sobchak A.A. Tbilisi fracture. P. 102 (report by I.N. Rodionov).

There. S. 103.

There. S. 97.

There. S. 106.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 1. S. 540–545 (presentation by D.I. Patiashivli).

Sobchak A.A. Tbilisi fracture. P. 102 (report by I.N. Rodionov).

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. Vol. 1. P. 526 (presentation by I.N. Rodinov).

Bobkov F.D. KGB and power. S. 372.

Ligachev E.K. Warning. pp. 320–331.

Beshlos M., Talbott S. Actually high level. S. 62.

Gorbachev M.S. Reflections on the past and future. 2nd ed. SPb., 2002. S. 115.

Bobkov F.D. KGB and power. pp. 369–370.

Statement by former First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia Jumber Patiashvili. Bloody April Tbilisi. I want to tell everything. Interviews with journalists K. Abrahamyan and T. Boikov. February 28, 1992 // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). Essays. The documents. Author - compiler G.P. Lezhava / ed. M.N. Googlo. M., 1998. S. 154.

Statement by former First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia Jumber Patiashvili. Bloody April Tbilisi. I want to tell everything. Interviews with journalists K. Abrahamyan and T. Boikov. February 28, 1992 // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). S. 155.

Conclusion of the Commission of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to investigate the events that took place in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989 // Historical archive. 1993. No. 3. P. 111. (The ethno-political situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). P. 124).

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 1. P. 518 (presentation by T. V. Gamkrelidze).

Yu growth. Tragic night in Tbilisi. Report of a Literaturnaya Gazeta columnist who witnessed the events on the night of April 8-9 // Youth of Georgia. Tbilisi, 1989. April 13.

Zhavoronkov G., Mikeladze A., Imedashvili D. Lies are always at a loss for us // Moscow News. 1989. No. 21. May 21st. S. 13.

There. 146–147.

There. S. 147.

There. S. 150.

There. S. 147.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 1. P. 517–518 (T.V. Gamkrelidze’s speech).

Information letter of the Prosecutor General of the USSR Trubin N.S. "On the results of investigations into the events in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989" // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). S. 150.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. Vol. 1. P. 526 (presentation by I.N. Rodionov).

Information letter of the Prosecutor General of the USSR Trubin N.S. "On the results of investigations into the events in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989" // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). S. 146.

Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Vol. 1. P. 527 (presentation by I.N. Rodionov).

Information letter of the Prosecutor General of the USSR Trubin N.S. "On the results of investigations into the events in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989" // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). pp. 145, 150.

There. S. 150.

Romanov V., Uglanov A. Forty days later // Arguments and Facts. 1989. No. 21. May 27 - June 2. S. 7.

Hart G. Russia shakes the world. S. 240; Hosking D. History of the Soviet Union. 1917–1911 2nd ed. S. 497.

Bobkov F.D. KGB and power. S. 373.

Information letter of the Prosecutor General of the USSR Trubin N.S. “On the results of investigations of the Tbilisi events on April 9, 1989 // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian issue (1987 - early 1992). S. 148.

There. S. 149.

There. S. 148.

Conclusion of the Commission of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to investigate the events that took place in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989 // Historical archive. 1993. No. 3. S. 116.

Information letter of the Prosecutor General of the USSR Trubin N.S. "On the results of investigations into the events in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989" // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). S. 148.

There. S. 149.

From the conclusion of the Commission of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "On the events in Tbilisi on April 9, 1989". May 21, 1989 // Sobchak A.A. Tbilisi fracture... S. 201.

Statement by the former First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia Jumber Patiashvili. Bloody April Tbilisi. I want to tell everything. Interviews with journalists K. Abrahamyan and T. Boikov. February 28, 1992 // Ethnopolitical situation in Georgia and the Abkhazian question (1987 - early 1992). S. 154.

Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "On the Convocation of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR" // Izvestia. 1989. April 16.

This appeal was signed by A. Muzykantsky, L. Sukhanov and L. Shemaev. Recording of a conversation with A.N. Murashov. Moscow. July 1, 2008 // Author's archive.

There. S. 160.

Murashev A. Interregional deputy group // Ogonyok. 1990. No. 32. S. 6.

Karyakin Yu.F. Conversion. From blindness to insight. M., 2007. S. 214.

There. S. 65.

Popov G.Kh. Again in opposition. S. 60.

From an interview with M.N. Poltoranina // Andriyanov V., Chernyak A. Lonely Tsar in the Kremlin. Book. 1. M., 1999. S. 249–250.

Murashev A. Interregional deputy group // Ogonyok. 1990. No. 32. S. 6.

Popov G.Kh. Again in opposition. S. 33.

Kraev V. 5th column of the 5th department // Duel. 2001. No. 11. S. 5.

Popov G.Kh. On the Revolution of 1989–1991 S. 167.

Who is against? // Fire. 1989. No. 18. pp. 4–6 (conversation between V. Vyzhutovich and G.Kh. Popov). The issue was submitted for printing on April 11 (ibid., p. 2).

Chernyaev A.S. Joint outcome. S. 791.

In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. pp. 460–466.

There. S. 470.

Chernyaev A.S. Joint outcome. pp. 787–788; Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 2. S. 426.

In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. pp. 467–470.

Braithwaite R. Beyond the Moscow River. Inverted world. S. 138.

Chernyaev A.S. Joint outcome. S. 790.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 432. In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. S. 470.

Same place; Gorbachev M.S. Life and Reforms. Book. 1. S. 431–432.

Chernyaev A.S. Joint outcome. S. 789.

Report of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU M.S. Gorbachev at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU on April 25, 1989 // Pravda. 1989. April 26.

To the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU. B. d. // True. April 26, 1989.

Vorotnikov V.I. And it was like that. pp. 256–257.

From an interview with M.N. Poltoranina // Andriyanov V., Chernyak A. Lonely Tsar in the Kremlin. Book. 1. S. 60.

There. S. 61.

Ligachev E.K. Warning. pp. 245–246.

There. pp. 248–249.

Romanov G.V. Central Committee of the CPSU, Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, General Prosecutor's Office of the USSR. May 18, 1989 // RGANI. F. 89. Op. 24. D. 23. L. 3.

Ligachev E.K. Warning. pp. 248–249.

Information message about the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU // Pravda. 1989. May 23; Vorotnikov V.I. And it was like that. P. 269. From the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, May 22, 1989 // In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. pp. 483–491.

May Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU (May 22, 1989). Verbatim report // RGANI. F. 2. Op. 5. D. 266. L. 19.

Sobchak A.A. Walking into power. 2nd ed. M., 1991. S. 31, 128–129.

Solovyov V.. Klepikova E. Boris Yeltsin. political metamorphoses. M., 1992. S. 137.

There. S. 92.

Dulles A. CIA vs. KGB. The art of espionage. M., 2000. S. 303.

Sukhanov L. Three years with Yeltsin. S. 180.

Matlock D. The Death of an Empire. S. 166.

There. S. 163.

There. S. 201.

Sukhanov L. Three years with Yeltsin. pp. 180–184.

Matlock D. The Death of an Empire. S. 183.

Chernyaev A.S. Joint outcome. S. 795.

Memorandum of R. Bogdanov on US policy towards the USSR on May 5, 1989 // AGF. F. 2. Op. 1. D. 7950. L. 2.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 1. S. 3; T. 3. S. 206–232.

Yakovlev A.N. Dust. S. 414.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 434.

Law of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics "On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the USSR". December 1, 1988 // Pravda. 1988. December 3rd.

There. pp. 56–109.

There. pp. 111–196, 201–222.

There. pp. 424–434.

Popov G.Kh. On the Revolution of 1989–1991 pp. 179–180.

Sukhanov L. Three years with Yeltsin. S. 49.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 1. M, 1990. S. 435–471.

There. T. 3. S. 408–429.

Vyzhutovich V. The First Soviet Parliament Became a Grave Digger of Communist Omnipotence (interview with G.Kh. Popov) // Site A.A. Sobchak (http://sobchak.org/rus/main.php3?fp=f02000000_А000409).

Popov G.Kh. Again in opposition. S. 67.

Matlock D. The Death of an Empire. S. 182.

Losev I. What is the word "democracy"? Polemic reflections after the conference of democratic movements and organizations // Leningradskaya Pravda. 1989. October 26.

Popov G.Kh. Again in opposition. S. 67.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 3. S. 325–328.

“According to the plan, the Congress was supposed to make the Soviets a real power” (Chernyaev A.S. The logic of “perestroika”) // Svobodnaya mysl. 2005. No. 4. S. 116.

There. T. 1. S. 517–549. T. 2. S. 241–247.

There. pp. 190–201.

There. T. 1. S. 550–566.

There. T. 2. S. 112–120 (Tbilisi events), 250–266 (Gdlyan-Ivanov case), 375–377 (1939 pact).

Sobchak A.A. Tbilisi fracture. pp. 24–26.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T 2. S. 375–377. Yakovlev A.N. Memory slug. S. 280.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 2. S. 250–266.

In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU ... S. 480-482.

Chernyaev A.S. Joint outcome. S. 794.

In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. S. 481.

There. pp. 200–201, 375–377.

From the meeting of the Commission of the Central Committee of the CPSU on international politics on March 28, 1989. Looking into the past // Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU. 1989. No. 7. pp. 28–38.

Declaration of the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR "On the State Sovereignty of Lithuania" // Soviet Lithuania. 1989. May 19.

Gorbachev M.S. Life and reforms. Book. 1. S. 516.

Information resolution on the eleventh session of the Supreme Council of the ESSR of the eleventh convocation // Soviet Estonia. 1989. May 19.

Yakovlev A.N. Dust. S. 416.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 2. S. 23–28.

Bronstein M. At the turn of the eras. S. 53

There. S. 25.

There. pp. 90–91.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. May 25 - June 9. Verbatim report. T. 3, M., 1989. S. 421.

May 25, 1989 - the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR began its work. What did this event mean for a huge, powerful multinational country? These were the first breaths of freedom in a state dominated by one political party. A relatively short time has passed, by the standards of historical chronology, but even now it is clear how unique and unprecedented this new milestone in the country's political life was.

The Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR did not pass flawlessly: there were enough various pitfalls. It should be noted that for the first time attempts were made to replace the outdated model of the political structure of a superpower. The feeling of crisis pushed the country's leadership to look for new alternative solutions. How this happened is the subject of this article.

The need for reform

The need for reforms that had matured in society was obvious. Under the leadership of Brezhnev, who approved the policy of "stability", the moment of a painless transition to new public relations was missed. At the end of the seventies, the western and eastern neighbors moved to the stage of the scientific and technological revolution, the main feature of which was the introduction of various high technologies.

Soviet business leaders, distinguished by their limited horizons, did not want to restructure. It's easier to leave everything as it is. Entire industries needed modernization. Production costs were colossal, hence their inefficiency. Plus, the economy was as militarized as possible. Over 20% of the state budget went to the defense industry.

Only changes could change the way of life that bored everyone. They could only start "from above". Until that time, the existing repressive apparatus effectively suppressed the growing discontent of the masses, but this could not last long. Therefore, changes were expected in society and were ready to support them.

Hopes to find a consensus were pinned by the authorities of the USSR on the Congress of People's Deputies. But they still had to choose. It is necessary to mention the special powers that were given to the updated composition of representatives of the highest power, because for its creation all the necessary changes were made to the then existing constitution of the RSFSR.

New political configuration

At the time of the creation of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, Gorbachev had already carried out a partial modernization of the structure of the governing bodies. Changes to the constitution in 1989 endowed this assembly of deputies with expanded powers and unlimited power. Various important issues fell under their competence: from the right to edit the main law of the country - the constitution, to the approval of government decisions, as well as the election of the Supreme Council. At that time, it played the role of parliament, simultaneously carrying out three classical management functions at once. In a word, the chairman of the Supreme Council was the head of state.

The convocation of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held twice a year. And the Council, elected by the participants, worked on a permanent basis, which was updated annually by 20% to improve activity.

March elections

It cannot be said that politics was among the highest priorities of the ordinary ordinary Soviet citizen. The party led everyone to a "bright future". 99.9% of the population supported the decisions of the government, continuing to go about their business, realizing that they were not deciding anything.

Everything changed with the elections of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, held on March 26, 1989. For the first time, an alternative version of the candidates was provided. Various electoral programs were discussed with great interest and bitterness. Candidates met with voters, publicly debated with their opponents.

All these innovations spurred the initiative of citizens in the political life of the country. But not only ordinary citizens were surprised. It's time to be surprised and upset by some high-ranking party functionaries. Their expectations were not justified: the people did not choose them. The election campaign was quite dynamic. In some regions, even a second round was needed.

M.S. Gorbachev's personal failure can be considered the fact that ZIL director Brakov was chosen against B.N. Yeltsin, who was gaining popularity. All the efforts made by the Moscow city committee were clearly insufficient. Yeltsin easily crushed his opponent, gaining almost 90% of the vote.

Another slap in the face and additional food for thought came from Academician Sakharov. He agreed to become a people's deputy, but only from the Academy of Sciences, dear to his heart. The day before, the leadership of this institution rejected his candidacy, although it was supported by 60 different institutions. After the rallies and unrest, the liberal Sakharov is nevertheless nominated.

The results of the elections for the Politburo became an "ice shower". Now even the most ardent optimists understood that this was a failure. People don't trust them anymore. All ordinary citizens froze at the TV screens with the hope that the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR would begin the necessary transformations.

Congress participants

The totalitarian system called elections. As Gorbachev admits in his memoirs, 100 seats were allocated to representatives of the CPSU. This was done with the aim of not admitting to work some persons who do not want transformations. According to Gorbachev, this made it possible to nominate the most influential democratic figures to the deputy corps.

Based on his words, it was decided in this way to protect the work of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR from the influence of the all-powerful Communist Party. In fact, everything turned out to be completely different. You can verify this by looking at the composition of the participants.

The First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was formed from three parts. The first 750 representatives were delegated from the territorial districts, which nominated their candidates on the basis of universal suffrage. Another 750 representatives were sent by national-territorial districts. The most interesting in this motley audience were members of various public organizations. They were also allocated 750 seats.

In the Soviet Union, the life of all public associations and organizations was controlled by the CPSU. Therefore, in order to give mass character at the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, not only cultural figures, journalists, but also representatives of the society of film lovers, the “struggle for sobriety”, philatelists, etc. were driven away. Although much more numerous informal organizations began to appear among the political elites of that time. But for obvious reasons, they were not allowed to work at the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

Passions run high

In the republics of the USSR, the election campaign added fuel to the boiling cauldron of interethnic relations. The unwillingness to be friends with the fraternal republics was so great that sometimes the slightest provocation was enough to grab each other's throats. The emergence of nationalist sentiments in various parts of the once mighty state promised to burst into flames of various local conflicts.

So far, only bayonets have been holding back from disintegration, but it was clear to everyone: the situation is only getting worse. In April 1989, there was a glaring case of inhuman treatment of the demands of civilians in Tbilisi. The Georgians demanded the withdrawal of their republic from the Union on the terms of complete independence. Before that, an incident took place in the outback of Abkhazia: the local self-government declared sovereignty (not wanting to submit to Georgia).

A spontaneous peaceful rally, where no attempts were made to seize power, was dispersed. And they did it with savage cruelty. The paratroopers, armed with sapper shovels, attacked the protesters. For a very long time they could not find the perpetrators who gave this criminal order. Representatives of the Communist Party cowardly shifted the blame on each other. The prestige of the ruling party was undermined.

In the fifteen days before the start of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, a completely new phenomenon in the life of Soviet society appeared - the strike movement. It began among the miners, who sought greater economic independence for their enterprises, and the provision of broad powers for local governments. No politics. The only thing that the workers sought was the solution of pressing issues that would help the industry develop.

Ryzhkov's government granted their demands. And then skirmishes began in other sectors of the economy. People saw that results can be achieved. And after various opposition movements joined the leaders of the strike movement, their victory was ensured, expressed in the promotion of candidates for seats in regional and state government bodies.

In a word, by the beginning of the work of the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the situation in the country could hardly be called calm. Society was torn apart by numerous socio-economic contradictions, but there was still hope for a peaceful resolution of the accumulated problems.

Congress opening

The date of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR is May 25, 1989. There has never been such a meeting in the entire history of the existence of the CPSU. Deputy Tolpezhnikov proposed to honor the memory of the victims of those killed in Tbilisi with a minute of silence. It was immediately clear that it would not be possible to shut up, hide, get off with empty chatter behind vague formulations. For the first time, the best sons and daughters of the USSR got the floor to talk about “painful things”.

It remained only to be surprised by the sequence of those events that took place. Of the most striking episodes, it is worth mentioning Obolensky's self-nomination for the post of head of the Council, and Sakharov's speech with an alternative agenda.

Describing the work of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the British "Sunday Times" noted that millions of Soviet citizens eagerly read the transcripts of the meetings. Work practically stopped, debates, disputes, discussions on the street. The Russians are demanding even more radical reforms. Enthusiasm is on the rise.

Particular attention was paid to the issue of interethnic relations. There were even proposals to conclude a reformed union treaty between the republics. It was necessary to deal with the situation with the tragedy, so a special commission was created. It was headed by one of the most competent deputies A. A. Sobchak. It was he who gave all the necessary advice on legal issues at the congress.

The commission decided to send General Radionov to carry out reprisals against the dissent of civilians in Tbilisi. The decision was taken by the leadership of the Central Committee under the chairmanship of Ligachev. It was a criminal order, because such issues should have been resolved by state bodies.

Obedient-aggressive majority

The first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR took place in the conditions of a long-overdue crisis, a tough confrontation with the dictatorship of one political party that had bothered everyone. Therefore, one of the proposals was the abolition of Article 6 of the current Constitution. This article consolidated the supremacy of the Communist Party. Academician Sakharov suggested including a discussion of this issue on the agenda.

MS Gorbachev was ready for dialogue only in words. In fact, in the best traditions of the Politburo, he interrupted the deputies with his inappropriate remarks, intrigued, and everything showed that his feigned goodwill was just a mask of a person from whose hands power was slipping. But he didn't want to lose her. But he didn’t have enough opportunities to keep her - there was neither authority nor great desire.

At the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, it was clear that there were two camps. The former, sparing no effort, offer quite reasonable solutions. And most importantly - a concrete plan of action to overcome the economic crisis, these people were heroes in the eyes of the public. And the latter, according to Rector Afanasyev's apt definition, were "an obedient-aggressive majority" voting at the suggestion of the Presidium.

The liberals were unable to push through their proposals, it was necessary to regroup in order to continue the fight. After the congress, they draw up the Interregional Deputy Group.

Top item on the agenda

On December 12, 1989, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR met for the second time. The opposition, represented by the MDG, was resolute. On the eve of this significant meeting, they proposed to arrange a warning strike. The stakes were high: Yeltsin, Afanasiev and other associates intended to do everything possible to be heard. Last time, their initiative to abolish Article 6 was not even put on the agenda. Gorbachev did everything possible and impossible to make this happen by agreeing with the deputies.

The 2nd Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held against the backdrop of an even worsening economic crisis. It was clear to everyone: the country was on the verge of huge upheavals. Work from the first minutes began briskly. There were two items on the agenda. One of them was devoted to planning measures to restore the economy, and the second - on the recognition of the powers of deputies. There was an initiative to include the most critical moment of this meeting - the abolition of Article 6. A proposal was made to include it as the 3rd item on the agenda.

At first, the Congress refused to put this issue on the agenda. What a lot of disappointed not only democratic-minded deputies. Polls showed that the majority of the Soviet population were extremely disappointed in the CPSU. Therefore, one of the main demands of the strikers and dissenters was the abolition of the ill-fated Article 6. The "leading role of the ruling party" was so strongly criticized that Khrushchev's scenario of losing power was quite likely.

End of communist hegemony

The "friendship" of the Soviet peoples began to manifest itself in all its glory at the junction of 1989-1990. Uzbekistan, massacre of Armenians in Baku, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan. It was only thanks to the introduction of troops that more massive casualties were avoided. In Moscow itself, various moods were also seething. The massive well-organized rally of over 200,000 people demonstrated that ignoring the people's demand for major changes to the Constitution is no longer possible.

MS Gorbachev feverishly searched for ways to choose the "lesser evil" in the current situation, but he was even more worried about the preservation of personal power. He proposes to create the post of President of the USSR and cancel Article 6. In this case, the party elite had at least formal leverage to put pressure on him and preserve the system. Representatives of the CPSU expressed their agreement with this scenario.

Extraordinary 3rd Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, held on March 12-16, 1990, put an end to the uncontrolled sole power of one party within the country. From now on, the CPSU has forever lost its leading role.

In return for this, Gorbachev got the opportunity to become the first and the last President THE USSR. His rating was falling across the country, while his main competitor, Yeltsin, only increased. Therefore, in order to maintain power, Mikhail Sergeevich preferred not to be elected as a result of popular elections. By this he only confirmed the precariousness of his position.

4 Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR

This 1990 meeting once again proved that the collapse of the most powerful empire is only a matter of time and is irreversible. After the 3rd Congress, Lithuania went into free swimming. And the representatives of the Supreme Soviet tried to keep a good face on a bad game, they declared that there was no possibility for the republics to manifest independence and self-determination until the total number of votes of the entire population of the USSR was summed up.

The time has come for decisive action. The largest republic of the RSFSR adopted its own budget. Yeltsin significantly reduced the funding of the center. A slow but sure collapse of the defense industry and space programs began. And most importantly, it was the choice that Russia made on the way to gaining its own independence.

But at the VI Congress of People's Deputies, in April 1992, the main topic was not the Constitution, but the attitude towards the government. Although the program of radical reforms was outlined by B. Yeltsin, everyone knew that its authors were the leading ministers of the Russian government: E.

Gaidar, A. Shokhin, A. Chubais and others. It was the fourth month of radical reform, prices soared sharply upwards, so Gaidar's criticism became politically advantageous. The deputies passionately accused the "monetarists" who ruined, sold and ruined Russia...

Chairman of the Supreme Council R.I. Khasbulatov spoke openly about the fact that the Supreme Soviet "in a sense led a trend that was opposed to the implementation of economic reforms." A feature of the political struggle at this stage was that the main object of criticism was the government and its vice-premiers - E.T. Gaidar, G.E. Burbulis, M.N. Poltoranin. Among the strongest critics of the government was Vice President A.B. Rutskoy. However, both he and the Chairman of the Supreme Council R.I. Khasbulatov "were taken out of criticism" of the president himself. In turn, B.N. Yeltsin resolutely stood up at the Congress in defense of the "government of reforms."

B. Yeltsin's support for it was of decisive importance for maintaining the course of the government. In his speech at the Congress on April 7 (B. Yeltsin wanted E. Gaidar, the first vice-premier of the government, to make a report, but the Congress demanded that Yeltsin report), the President acknowledged that not everything was all right, the disruption of the social protection program was of particular concern. of the population and financing of budgetary spheres, that medicine was in a critical situation. Nevertheless, the President was confident that he and the government had chosen the right course for economic reforms. “I am deeply convinced that the right decisions were made both at the 5th Congress of People's Deputies and after it, including on additional powers and on the head of government.<...>For three months, the government has shown that it can work, it is capable, without falling into a panic, to consistently pursue the chosen course, to withstand harsh and not always fair criticism," Yeltsin said in his report1.

The next day, after B. Yeltsin's speech at the Congress, the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper wrote: “After B. Yeltsin's speech, the future course of economic reform does not cause much disagreement among the deputies. In fact, the meaning of the dispute is much deeper: the question is about power. Closely adjacent to it is the future subject of battles - the new Constitution. Yeltsin and the bloc of democratic factions are for a presidential republic. The president needs to stay on as prime minister to rid the government of the influence of a changing parliament. In their opinion, today it is impossible for the republic to get out without a strong executive power.

The logic of the legislators is also understandable: they consider their assembly no less responsible for the success of the reform and therefore want to control everything and everything”2.

Sixth Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. Verbatim report. M., 1992

T. 1 S. 120-121.

This clash of two opposing opinions about the nature of state power in Russia, about what the country's new constitution should be, took place against the backdrop of heated debates in the country about the course of economic reforms.

It should be noted that by his support of Gaidar's reforms, B.

Yeltsin squandered much of his political authority, because the unpopular government was perceived as the government of Yeltsin-Gaidar. Yeltsin, accustomed to popularity, found himself not only politically, but also psychologically difficult situation, and he felt it at the VI Congress of People's Deputies of Russia. At this Congress, B. Yeltsin faced a harsh rejection of his policy, accusations rained down on him from the rostrum of the Congress as if from a cornucopia. Yeltsin was even accused of having undermined the birth rate in the country and Russia was facing a demographic catastrophe.

Already at the very beginning of the VI Congress of People's Deputies, the opposition decided to deal a decisive blow to Gaidar and his course. At the Congress, a draft resolution on the activities of the government was approved, which stated: "Recognize the course of economic reform as unsatisfactory." The president was asked to submit a draft law on the government and a new candidate for its head to the Supreme Council within a month. In response, government members led by Gaidar submitted their collective resignations, accusing the legislature of "irresponsible populism." Nobody expected this, even Yeltsin did not know about it169. And the Congress retreated - voted for the "Declaration on Support for Economic Reform in the Russian Federation."

The resignation of Gaidar and his ministers was not accepted.

In this situation, the President managed to save his political course by making some concessions to the legislators. “So, using military terminology,” writes E. Gaidar, “we can say that in May-August 1992, the government retreated under the onslaught of superior forces, conducting rearguard battles and trying, to the extent possible, to hold the most important areas, and in some areas continued to advance." Later, in his memoirs, B. Yeltsin wrote that he was not disappointed in Gaidar “and I am sure that his team would work for another year - and the economy would go forward, normal processes would begin in industry, those same Western investments would go, 0

dreamed of by any of our governments.

Despite the disagreements, at the VI Congress of People's Deputies the Supreme Soviet was not yet ready for a direct confrontation with the President, the main blow fell on the government. The President also continued to seek ways of agreement and compromise. In his speech at the Congress on April 10, 1992, B. Yeltsin said: “I personally, of course, did not want, and do not want, and am not going to enter into a confrontation with the Congress, especially since the Congress and you as deputies were elected by the entire The people and me were elected by the whole people, so we need to find solutions that we jointly implemented in a coordinated manner, without, of course, disclaiming any responsibility for those policy statements that were made before the election of the President of the Russian Federation”172.