Censorship reform of Alexander 3. Counter-reforms of Alexander III (briefly)

  • 10.10.2019

With particular severity applied to magazines and newspapers, especially in the early years of the Tolstoy regime, all those draconian measures that were established by both the new and the previous legislation on the press. Thus, such punishments fell on the press organs as the deprivation of the right to print advertisements, as numerous warnings, which ultimately led to suspension and then, under the new law, to submission to preliminary censorship, as the deprivation of the right to retail, which painfully beat the newspapers. in economic terms. Very soon, a new method was also applied for the final termination of the journal by decision of four ministers: it was in this way that Otechestvennye Zapiski was terminated from January 1884 and some other liberal press organs of that time.

At the end of the Tolstoy regime, precisely in the 80s, in the last two or three years of Tolstoy's life, the number of such cars decreased significantly, and one could, as K.K. Arsenyev notes, even think that this was a symptom of a softening of the regime; but such a decrease in the number of punishments in fact, as the same historian of censorship explains, depended on the fact that there was no one and nothing to impose them on, since a significant number of liberal dependent press organs were either completely stopped, or put in such a position, that they did not dare to utter a word, and, in cases of doubt, the editors themselves explained themselves to the censors in advance and bargained for themselves that little area of ​​freedom which seemed to them to be censorship itself. In such circumstances, only a few of the liberal press organs survived at this difficult moment, such as Vestnik Evropy, Russkaya Mysl and Russkiye Vedomosti, for example, which, however, constantly felt the sword of Damocles over them, and their existence also hung all this time on a string.

4.3 Court

The independent court established by the statutes of 1864 “Judicial Republic”, as defined by M.N. Katkova, or "the ugliness of the courts", as the sovereign himself believed, were for a liberal society a symbol of public and private independence. The government was not satisfied with the “rebelliousness” of the courts, cases when judicial institutions, even contrary to the laws, shielded state criminals (as in the sensational case of the revolutionary V.Z. Asulich, who made an attempt on the life of the St. acquitted by a jury in 1878). What irritated the administration most of all was the spirit of freedom that reigned in the new court. But neither the former Minister of Justice D.N. Nabokov, nor the new (since 1885) minister A.N. Manasein did not conduct a judicial counter-reform following the example of the zemstvo and city, as they understood that without an effective court, the very existence of the state is impossible. The Court of the era of the "Great Reforms" was subjected to only partial restrictions: everywhere, with the exception of six major years and capitals, the Magistrate's Court was abolished (however, its effectiveness left much to be desired anyway), the publicity of the trial was limited, the qualification for jurors was raised, from the jurisdiction of general political cases were withdrawn from the courts, the Senate received more real rights to dismiss offending judges from office.

4.4 Peasantry

In the foreground was the question of alleviating the situation of those peasants who had already switched to redemption, i.e. the question of lowering the redemption payments. In 1881, all former landowning peasants were transferred to mandatory redemption, their dependent temporary position was abolished, and redemption payments were reduced.

A number of measures aimed at combating peasant land shortages were developed and carried out. In this regard, three main measures should be mentioned: firstly, the establishment of the Peasants' Bank, with the help of which the peasants could get cheap credit for the purchase of land; secondly, the facilitation of the lease of state lands and quitrent items that were or could be leased, and, finally, thirdly, the settlement of settlements.

It was decided that the Peasants' Bank should help the peasants, regardless of which peasants and in what amount they buy land.

In 1884, the rules on the lease of state lands stated that, according to the law, lands were given on a 12-year lease and, moreover, only those peasants who lived no further than 12 versts from the rented quitrent could take them without bidding.

As for the resettlement issue, which at that time began to assert itself in rather acute forms, it should be noted that the rules on the procedure for the resettlement of small-land peasants beyond the Urals (1889) were approved.

Mention should be made of those laws on the labor question that were issued beginning in 1882. For the first time since that time, the Russian government has taken the path of protecting - if not all workers, then at least minors and women - from the arbitrariness of the manufacturers. By the law of 1882, for the first time, the working hours of minors and women were limited and the conditions of their work were more or less placed under the control of government branches, and the first positions of factory inspectors were established to supervise the implementation of these decrees.

However, these measures generally did not improve the welfare of the peasant population.

4.5 Zemstvo and city counter-reforms

were held in 1890 and 1892.

The initiator of the Zemstvo counter-reform was D.A. Tolstoy. This counter-reform ensured the predominance of the nobility in zemstvo institutions, halved the number of voters in the city curia, and limited the elective representation of the peasants. In the provincial zemstvo assemblies, the number of nobles increased to 90%, and in the provincial zemstvo councils - up to 94%. The activities of zemstvo institutions were placed under the full control of the governor. The chairman and members of the zemstvo councils began to be considered members of the public service. For elections to zemstvos, estate curia were established, the composition of zemstvo assemblies was changed due to representatives appointed from above. The governor received the right to suspend the execution of decisions of Zemstvo assemblies.

The urban counter-reform also served to strengthen the "state element". It eliminated the city lower classes from participation in city self-government, significantly raising the property qualification. In St. Petersburg and Moscow, less than one percent of the population could participate in the elections. There were cities where the number of city duma members was equal to the number of those participating in the elections. City dumas were controlled by provincial authorities. The urban counter-reform was in flagrant contradiction to the ongoing process of rapid urbanization. The number of city duma council members decreased, administrative control over them increased (now elected representatives of city self-government began to be considered civil servants), and the range of issues subject to the competence of dumas decreased.

Thus, the counter-reform in the field of local government and the courts led to increased control over the elective power by the state, an increase in the noble representation in them, a violation of the principles of election and all-estate in their activities.

Conclusion

Of course, the reign of Alexander III was not absolutely hopeless for Russia. Inside the country, thanks to the talent and energy of N.Kh. Bunge, I.A. Vyshnegradsky, S.Yu. Witte, tsarism was able to ensure an economic upsurge - not only in industry, but also in agriculture, albeit at a high price. “We won’t finish eating ourselves, but we’ll take them out,” Vyshnegradsky boasted, without specifying who was malnourished - a handful of “tops”, or multimillion-dollar “bottoms”. Terrible hunger 1891, which struck 26 provinces, with relapses in 1892-1893, had a serious impact on the position of the masses, but did not alarm the monarch. His Majesty only got angry... at the starving people. “Alexander III,” testified the famous lawyer O.O. Gruzenberg, - I was annoyed by the mention of "hunger" as a word invented by those who have nothing to eat. He commanded the highest to replace the word "hunger" with the word "malnutrition." The General Directorate of the Press immediately sent out a stern circular."

Separate positive features of the reign of Alexander III do not one iota atone for the general negative: spoons of honey, no matter how many there are, will not sweeten the barrel of tar. The reptilian title of this monarch “Tsar-Peacemaker”, not without reason, was changed by his opponents into another: “Tsar-Peacemaker”, referring to his addiction (according to the recipe of Prince Meshchersky) to flogging - anyone (including women), but mainly - peasants , to flogging and separately, and together, the whole "world". In general, the reign of Alexander III was defined by Leo Tolstoy as “stupid, retrograde”, as one of the darkest periods. national history: Alexander III tried to "return Russia to the barbarism of the times of the beginning of the century", all his "shameful activities of the gallows, rods, persecutions, fooling the people" led to this. In the same way, although in less harsh terms, they assessed the reign of Alexander III P.N. Milyukov, K.A. Timiryazev, V.I. Vernadsky, A.A. Blok, V.G. Korolenko, and M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin immortalized Aleksandrov's reaction in the image of the "Triumphant Pig", which "bows" before Pravda and "champs" it.

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The domestic policy of Alexander III (1881 - 1894) was consistent. It was based on a set of quite definite ideas about what Russia should become. Alexander III was a conservative by nature, upbringing, and life experience. His convictions were formed under the influence of the bitter experience of the struggle between the government and the populist revolutionaries, which he witnessed and the victim of which was his father, Alexander II. The instructions of K. P. Pobedonostsev, a prominent ideologist of Russian conservatism, found in the person of the new monarch a grateful student who was ready to follow them.

Having removed from power the liberal ministers (D.N. Milyutin, M.T. Loris-Melikov, A.A. Abaza, and others), and having executed the First Marchites by court verdict, the tsar firmly announced his intention to establish and protect the autocracy. Alexander III believed in the historical mission of Russia, in autocracy, called to lead her on the road of victories, in Orthodoxy, the spiritual support of the people and power. Autocratic power, the tsar believed, should help a confused society find ground under its feet, surround it with care and guardianship, and severely punish disobedience. Alexander III felt like the father of a large family that needed his firm hand.

Politics in the peasant question. In 1881, a law was passed on the obligatory redemption of peasants from their allotments. In essence, this was the liquidation of a temporarily liable state (the execution of the decree dragged on until 1917). Redemption payments were reduced by 1 ruble (the average ransom was 7 rubles), in 1883-1886. - The poll tax has been phased out. They tried to solve the problem of peasant shortage of land by organizing the resettlement of peasants (1889), the establishment of the Peasants' Bank for lending for the purchase of land, and facilitating the lease of state lands. In 1893, the tsar signed a law allowing redistribution of land between community members no more than every 12 years, and family divisions to be carried out only with the consent of the village assembly. It was forbidden to sell the allotment or give it as a pledge. This law most clearly characterizes the policy of Alexander III in the peasant question, its patronizing, patriarchal character. In the community, the tsar saw the only guarantor of stability in the countryside, a kind of shield protecting the peasant from the loss of allotment, from hopeless poverty, from turning into a proletarian deprived of the means of subsistence. The peasant policy of the 1980s and 1990s, on the one hand, took care of the peasantry and protected it from the new economic realities, but on the other hand, it encouraged the passive and lack of initiative and did little to help the active and energetic.

Politics at work. Laws of 1882-1886 the foundations of labor legislation were laid: the labor of children under the age of twelve was prohibited; night work of women and minors is prohibited; the terms of employment and the procedure for terminating the contracts of workers with entrepreneurs were determined.

Police activities. The Decree on "Strengthened Guard" (1881) allowed the introduction of a special position in unreliable provinces. The governor and the mayor could imprison suspicious persons for up to three months, forbid any meetings, etc. In all large cities, "departments for the protection of order" were created with the functions of political investigation and extensive agents.

Activities in the field of press and education. The new "Provisional Rules on the Press" (1882) established the most severe censorship and made it possible to freely close objectionable publications. The Minister of Education I. D. Delyanov became famous for the development of a new university charter, which deprived universities of autonomy (1884), and the publication of a circular on "cook's children", which forbade the admission to the gymnasium of the children of small shopkeepers, coachmen, lackeys, and cooks.

Counter-reforms. 1889-1892 Law of 1889 established the position of zemstvo chief. Zemstvo chiefs received administrative and judicial powers, they could dismiss village elders, subject peasants to corporal punishment, fines, and arrest. They were appointed by the government from among the local hereditary nobles.

Law 1890

actually deprived the peasants of the right to nominate vowels to county and provincial zemstvo institutions. Now they were appointed by the governor.

The law of 1892 introduced a high property qualification, artisans and small merchants were excluded from elections to the city duma.

In the 80s. the government got the opportunity to remove judges at its own discretion, withdrew political cases from jury trials, and fired many prosecutors who served in the 60s and 70s.

Historians call these measures counter-reforms to emphasize that they were directed against the transformations of the reign of Alexander II.

The assessment of the reign of Alexander III cannot be unambiguous. On the one hand, the government ensured internal stability, industry developed rapidly, and foreign capital flowed into the country. On the other hand, the tsar's attempts to reverse the processes begun during the years of the "great reforms" did not meet the needs of a rapidly changing society. The modernization of the economy that began in post-reform Russia gave rise to acute, qualitatively new problems and conflicts. The government, which saw its purpose in restraining society, protecting it from change, could not cope with the new problems. The results were not long in coming: the revolution that shook the foundations of the old system took place ten years after the death of Alexander III.

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Alexander III (1881–1894) was the second son of Alexander II. He was not prepared for the reign, after the death of his eldest son, Nicholas, he became the heir to the throne. Alexander III went down in history as a peacemaker tsar, he was a staunch opponent of solving international problems by military means.

Counter-reforms of Alexander III

Back in the period when the emperor was only the heir to the throne, a conservative environment developed around him (“the party of the Anichkov Palace”), in which K.P. Pobedonostsev. Pobedonostsev was opposed to the development of Western European democratic institutions (government bodies, zemstvos) on Russian soil, believing that such "talking shops" eroded the country's state foundations and would ultimately lead to collapse. After the regicide of Alexander II, the conservative course of the new emperor was finally determined:

1) in political terms, Alexander III considered it necessary to strengthen the autocracy, class orders;

2) he rejected the project of liberal reforms supported by Alexander II;

the Manifesto "On the inviolability of autocracy" was approved, and later the "Decree on Measures for the Preservation of State Order and Public Peace", according to which the central government was strengthened in Russia, a regime of emergency administration was introduced (military courts, exile of objectionable persons, the closure of liberal newspapers, the liquidation autonomy of universities, etc.);

4) the country has entered a stage of its development, called the period of counter-reforms:

- many liberal achievements in the country were canceled, the principles that reigned in Russian life under Nicholas I were revived;

- in 1890, the "Regulations on district zemstvo chiefs" were published, according to which zemstvos were subject to the supervision of governors, the role of nobles was strengthened in them. The electoral system was transformed, a high property qualification was introduced, which reduced the number of voters by several times. Zemsky chiefs had the right to apply corporal punishment to the guilty peasants;

- Restrictions were introduced in the field of legal proceedings. Restrictions were introduced regarding the irremovability of judges, the elective world court was abolished, the circle of persons from which jurors were appointed was narrowed;

- "Temporary rules on the press" (1882) tightened censorship;

5) the political system of the country began to acquire the features of a police state. Created security departments who oversaw public order and security;

6) Alexander III sought to preserve the unitary nature of the state. Russification of the national outskirts becomes the basis of the emperor's course. The independence of the outskirts of the empire was limited. The government of Alexander III, however, had to take a number of measures that made it possible to stabilize the social development of the country: 1) the temporary state of the peasants was canceled; 2) the amount of redemption payments has been reduced; 3) the gradual abolition of the poll tax began; 4) in 1882

the Peasants' Bank was established, which gave peasants loans to buy land; 5) there has been a democratization of the officer corps; 6) in 1885 night work of underage children and women was prohibited; 7) in 1886, a document was adopted that regulated the terms of employment and dismissal, limited the amount of fines levied on workers.

The strengthening of police control over society under Alexander III led to a temporary decline in the revolutionary movement. The foreign policy of Alexander the "Peacemaker" was very successful, during whose reign the country avoided participating in wars.

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Counter-reforms of Alexander 3 (1881-1894)

The autocracy created the historical identity of Russia.

Alexander III

Counter-reforms are the changes that Alexander III carried out during his reign from 1881 to 1894. They are named so because the previous emperor Alexander 2 carried out liberal reforms, which Alexander 3 considered ineffective and harmful to the country.

The emperor completely limited the influence of liberalism, relying on conservative rule, maintaining peace and order in the Russian Empire. In addition, thanks to the foreign policy of Alexander 3, he was nicknamed the “peacemaker king”, since he did not wage a single war in all 13 years of his reign. Today we will talk about the counter-reforms of Alexander 3, as well as the main directions of the domestic policy of the “king-peacemaker”.

Ideology of counter-reforms and major transformations

On March 1, 1881, Alexander 2 was killed. His son Alexander 3 became emperor. The young ruler was greatly influenced by the murder of his father by a terrorist organization. This made us think about limiting the freedoms that Alexander 2 wanted to give his people, emphasizing conservative rule.

Historians distinguish two personalities who can be considered the ideologists of the policy of counter-reforms of Alexander 3:

  • K. Pobedonostseva
  • M. Katkova
  • D. Tolstoy
  • V. Meshchersky

Below is a description of all the changes that took place in Russia during the reign of Alexander 3.

Changes in the peasant sphere

Alexander 3 considered the agrarian question to be one of the main problems of Russia. Despite the abolition of serfdom, there were several problems in this area:

  1. The large size of the payoff payments, which undermined the economic development of the peasantry.
  2. The presence of a poll tax, which, although it brought profit to the treasury, did not stimulate the development of peasant farms.
  3. Weakness of the peasant community. It was in it that Alexander 3 saw the basis for the development of the countryside in Russia.

N. Bunge became the new Minister of Finance. It was he who was entrusted with solving the "peasant question". On December 28, 1881, a law was passed that approved the abolition of the position of "temporarily liable" for former serfs. Also in this law, redemption payments were reduced by one ruble, which at that time was the average amount. Already in 1882, the government allocated another 5 million rubles to reduce payments in certain regions of Russia.

In the same 1882, Alexander 3 approved another important change: the poll tax was significantly reduced and limited. Part of the nobility opposed this, since this tax gave annually to the treasury about 40 million rubles, but at the same time it limited the freedom of movement of the peasantry, as well as their free choice of occupation.

In 1882, the Peasants' Bank was established to support the small landed peasantry. Here, peasants could get a loan to buy land at a minimum percentage. Thus began the counter-reforms of Alexander III.

In 1893, a law was passed restricting the peasants' right to leave the community. To redistribute communal land, 2/3 of the community had to vote for the redistribution. In addition, after the redistribution, the next exit could be made only after 12 years.

labor legislation

The Emperor also initiated the first legislation in Russia for the working class, which by this time was rapidly growing. Historians identify the following changes that affected the proletariat:

  • On June 1, 1882, a law was passed that prohibited the labor of children under 12 years of age. Also, this law introduced an 8-hour restriction on the work of 12-15 year old children.
  • Later, an additional law was passed, which prohibited the night work of women and minors.
  • Limiting the size of the fine that the entrepreneur could "pull" from the worker. In addition, all fines went to a special state fund.
  • The introduction of a pay book, in which it was necessary to enter all the conditions for hiring a worker.
  • The adoption of a law that increases the responsibility of the worker for participating in strikes.
  • Creation of a factory inspectorate to check the implementation of labor laws.

Russia became one of the first camps where the control over the working conditions of the proletariat took place.

The fight against "sedition"

To prevent the spread of terrorist organizations and revolutionary ideas, on August 14, 1881, the law "On measures to limit state order and public peace" was adopted. These were important counter-reforms of Alexander 3, who was the biggest threat to Russia precisely in terrorism. According to the new order, the Minister of the Interior, as well as the Governors General, had the right to declare a "state of exception" in certain areas for increased use of the police or the army. Also, governors-general received the right to close any private institutions that were suspected of collaborating with illegal organizations.

The state significantly increased the amount of funds that were allocated to secret agents, the number of which increased significantly.

In addition, a special police department, the Okhrana, was opened to deal with political cases.

Publishing policy

In 1882, a special board was set up to control publishing houses, consisting of four ministers. However, Pobedonostsev played the main role in it. In the period between 1883 and 1885, 9 publications were closed, among them the very popular "Notes of the Fatherland" by Saltykov-Shchedrin.

In 1884, a “cleansing” of the libraries was also carried out. A list was compiled of 133 books that were forbidden to be stored in the libraries of the Russian Empire. In addition, censorship of newly published books increased.

Changes in education

Universities have always been a place for the dissemination of new ideas, including revolutionary ones. In 1884, Minister of Education Delyanov approved a new university charter. According to this document, universities lost their right to autonomy: the leadership was appointed entirely from the ministry, and not chosen by university staff. Thus, the Ministry of Education not only increased control over curricula and programs, but also received full supervision of the extracurricular activities of universities.

In addition, the rectors of the university lost the right to protect and patronize their students. So, even in the years of Alexander 2, each rector, in the event of a student being detained by the police, could intercede for him, taking him under his guardianship. Now it was forbidden.

Secondary education and its reform

The most controversial counter-reforms of Alexander III concerned secondary education. On June 5, 1887, a law was passed, which the people called "on the cook's children." Its main goal is to make it difficult for children from peasant families to enter the gymnasium. In order for a peasant child to continue studying at a gymnasium, someone from the "noble" class had to vouch for him. Tuition fees also increased significantly.

Pobedonostsev argued that the children of peasants generally do not need to have a higher education, ordinary parochial schools will be enough for them. Thus, the actions of Alexander 3 in the field of primary and secondary education crossed out the plans of a part of the enlightened population of the empire to increase the number of literate people, whose number in Russia was catastrophically small.

Zemstvo counter-reform

In 1864, Alexander 2 signed a decree on the creation of local governments - zemstvos.

28.) Alexander III and counter-reforms

They were created at three levels: provincial, district and hair. Alexander 3 considered these institutions a potential place for the dissemination of revolutionary ideas, but did not consider them a useless place. That is why he did not eliminate them. Instead, on July 12, 1889, a decree was signed approving the position of zemstvo chief. This position could only be held by representatives of the nobility. In addition, they had very broad powers: from holding a trial to decrees on organizing arrests in the area.

In 1890, another law of counter-reforms in Russia at the end of the 19th century was issued, which concerned zemstvos. Changes were made to the electoral system in the zemstvos: now only nobles could be elected from landowners, their number increased, the city curia was significantly reduced, and peasant seats were checked and approved by the governor.

National and religious politics

The religious and national policy of Alexander 3 was based on the principles that were proclaimed back in the years of Nicholas 1 by the Minister of Education Uvarov: Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality. The emperor paid great attention to the creation of the Russian nation. For this, a rapid and large-scale Russification of the outskirts of the empire was organized. In this direction, he did not differ much from his father, who also Russified the education and culture of the non-Russian ethnic groups of the empire.

The Orthodox Church became the backbone of the autocracy. The emperor declared a fight against sectarianism. In gymnasiums, the number of hours for subjects of the "religious" cycle increased. Also, Buddhists (and these are Buryats and Kalmyks) were forbidden to build temples. Jews were forbidden to settle in large cities, even beyond the "Pale of Settlement". In addition, Catholic Poles were denied access to managerial positions in the Kingdom of Poland and the Western Territory.

What preceded the reforms

A few days after the death of Alexander 2, Loris-Melikov, one of the main ideologists of liberalism, the Minister of Internal Affairs under Alexander 2, was dismissed, and the Minister of Finance A. Abaza, as well as the famous Minister of War D. Milyutin, left with him . N. Ignatiev, a well-known supporter of the Slavophiles, was appointed the new Minister of the Interior. On April 29, 1881, Pobedonostsev drew up a manifesto called "On the Inviolability of Autocracy", which justified the alienation of liberalism for Russia. This document is one of the main ones in determining the ideology of the counter-reforms of Alexander 3. In addition, the emperor refused to accept the Constitution, which was developed by Loris-Melikov.

As for M. Katkov, he was the editor-in-chief of Moskovskie Vedomosti and, in general, one of the most influential journalists in the country. He provided support for the counter-reforms in the pages of his publication, as well as other newspapers throughout the empire.

The appointment of new ministers showed that Alexander 3 was not going to completely stop his father's reforms, he simply expected to turn them in the right direction for Russia, removing "elements alien to her."

The period of counter-reforms in Russia

After the resignation of the liberal ministers, one of the first steps of the government of Alexander III was the adoption of " Regulations on Measures for the Preservation of State Order and Public Peace August 1881 - a law that strengthened the police regime in the country. When introducing it in any locality, the authorities could expel undesirable persons without trial, close schools, press organs and commercial-industrial and enterprises. In fact, a state of emergency was established in Russia, which existed, despite the temporary nature of this law, until 1917.

In addition, the repressive organs were strengthened - departments for the protection of order were created - security departments. Thanks to the measures taken, as well as the internal crisis of the revolutionary movement, the authorities managed to crush the People's Will and restore order in the country.

Land leaders. In 1889 the government introduced Regulations on zemstvo district chiefs, which, having abolished elected justices of the peace, mediators of the peace and county presences for peasant affairs, transferred administrative and judicial power in the field to nobles appointed to this position from local landlords. Zemsky chiefs were subordinate to rural and volost gatherings. As a result, this measure restored the administrative power of the landowners over the peasants, who, as a result of its implementation, even started talking about the restoration of serfdom.

Zemstvo counter-reform. According to the law of 1890, the representation of the nobility increased in zemstvo institutions and the control over the zemstvos by the administration was strengthened. In the first landowning kuri, the property qualification was lowered, which allowed the small landed nobles to replenish the ranks of vowels at their own expense. In the second curia, the qualification, on the contrary, increased, which limited the rights of medium-sized entrepreneurs. Representatives from the peasant curia had to be approved by the authorities.

Urban counter-reform(1892) increased the property qualification in elections, and this reduced the number of voters by 3 times and ensured the dominance of large entrepreneurs and noble landowners with large real estate in cities in the city government. In addition, the authorities now had the right not only to reject the candidacy of an already elected mayor, but also to affirm the whole management team city ​​government, even more actively intervene in the affairs thoughts etc.

In the courts publicity was limited and all cases of violent acts against officials were withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the jury. In fact, the principle of the irremovability of judges was violated, which, to a certain extent, created the possibility of administrative pressure on the courts. The property qualification for jurors was raised. Plans were hatched for the complete elimination of the institution of jurors, which the right-wing press disparagingly called the court of the street.

National Policy. The idea of ​​Russia's national identity, which was opposed to the West, became widespread again.

Active Russification of the peoples of the outskirts of the empire was carried out, the rights of persons of non-Orthodox faiths, especially Jews, were limited.

Russian culture of the XIX century.

Slavophilism as a current of social thought appeared in the early 1840s. His ideologues were writers and philosophers A. S. Khomyakov, I. V. and P. V. Kireevsky, brothers K. S. and I. S. Aksakov., Yu. F. Samarin and others. Slavophilism can be described as the Russian version of national-liberalism.

Developing the idea of ​​the originality of Russian history, the Slavophiles, unlike Shevyrev, Pogodin and Uvarov, considered the main driving force not autocracy, but Orthodox people, united in rural communities. At the same time, arguing with Chaadaev, they argued that it was Orthodoxy that predetermined the great future of Russia, gave its entire history a truly spiritual meaning.

The main provisions of the theory of Slavophilism:

- the most important characteristic of Russian society and the Russian state is nationality, and at the heart of the original Russian way development are orthodoxy, the community and the national Russian character;

- in Russia, the authorities are in harmony with the people, in contrast to Europe, where social conflicts are exacerbated. Autocracy, according to the Slavophiles, saved Russian society from the political struggle in which Europe was mired;

- the basics of Russian public life consist in the communal system in the countryside, collectivism, catholicity;

– Russia is developing in a non-violent way;

– in Russia, spiritual values ​​prevail over material ones;

– Peter I used violent methods to introduce the experience mechanically borrowed from the West, which led to a violation of the natural nature of the development of Russia, introduced an element of violence, mothballed serfdom and gave rise to social conflicts;

serfdom must be liquidated, while maintaining the community and the patriarchal way of life (it was only about the spiritual way, the Slavophiles did not oppose modern technology, railways and industry)

- to determine the path further development it is necessary to convene the Zemsky Sobor;

- Slavophiles denied revolution and radical reforms, considering only gradual transformations carried out from above under the influence of society according to the principle: the tsar - the power of power, the people - the power of opinion.

Westernism took shape as an ideological trend in the works and activities of historians, lawyers and writers. T. N. Granovsky, K. D. Kavelin, P. V. Annenkov, B. N. Chicherin, S. M. Solovyov, V. P. Botkin, V. G. Belinsky. Like the Slavophiles, the Westernizers strove to turn Russia into an advanced power, to renew its social system.

Counter-reforms of Alexander 3: causes, characteristics, consequences

Representing the Russian version of classical liberalism, Westernism at the same time differed significantly from it, for it was formed in the conditions of a backward peasant country and a despotic political regime.

Despite the reaction (according to A. I. Herzen - external slavery), thanks to the social movement in the country, it was possible to maintain inner freedomindependence and freethinking of the spiritual elite.

There was a complication of social thought, there were independent and original, taking into account national specifics, ideological currents.

started differentiation of socio-political directions who prepared the intellectual and moral ground for the further development of the liberation movement in Russia.

In society and part of the bureaucracy, a spiritual atmosphere that made it possible to begin preparations for the liquidation of serfdom.

The social movement of the country had a significant impact on the development of Russian culture and, especially, literature. On the other side, Russian literature, which assumed the functions of an unspoken spiritual parliament Russia, gave socio-political ideas an artistic form and thereby increased their impact on society.

The reign of Nicholas II (1894-1917)

Socio-economic vestiges in agriculture (backward landlord economy, which used the work of the peasants, the agrarian order in the Russian countryside, the incomplete ownership of the community on land, etc.) were combined with development of capitalism both in agriculture and in industry, which contributed to exacerbation of contradictions in Russian society.

Crop failure in 1900, economic crisis of 1900-1903 and economic impact Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905 exacerbated the agrarian crisis and led to a deterioration in the economic situation of the broad masses.

political background.

Autocracy - Russian absolute monarchy was the main political vestige of feudalism. The autocracy prevented any kind of socio-political changes and was unable to modernize the social system of Russia. The personal qualities of Nicholas II also played an important role; contemporaries, including those from the tsar's entourage, emphasized the sovereign's distrust of all reforms.

regime of political powerlessness. Tsarism, despite the concessions of the 60-70s. of the last century continued to pursue the germs of political dissent, resorting to repression against the workers' and peasants' movement, exile and prisons against revolutionaries, surveillance and persecution of even moderate Russian liberals.

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Alexander III (r. 1881-1894) was the second son of Alexander II. He was not prepared for the reign, and therefore he did not receive a serious education. Only in 1865, after the death of his elder brother Nikolai Alexandrovich, twenty-year-old Alexander Alexandrovich became heir to the throne. According to historians, of all the unlimited Russian autocrats, Alexander III was the most limited, although he did not recognize any "constitution". It was limited not by Parliament, but by "God's Grace". Alexander III was distinguished by excellent health and colossal physical strength. He easily broke horseshoes, and bent a silver ruble.

Alexander III ascended the throne at the age of 36. historical events March 1, 1881 (see Alexander II and the reforms of the 60-70s of the XIX century). The new emperor was a resolute opponent of reforms and did not recognize his father's transformations. The tragic death of Alexander II in his eyes meant the perniciousness of liberal politics. This conclusion predetermined the transition to reactionary politics.

The evil genius of the reign of Alexander III becomes K. P. Pobedonostsev, chief prosecutor Holy Synod. Possessing a sharp analytical mind, Pobedonostsev develops a position that denies democracy and contemporary Western European culture. He did not recognize European rationalism, did not believe in the good nature of man, was a fierce opponent of parliamentarism, calling it "the great lie of our time", believing that parliamentarians in the majority belong to the most immoral representatives of society. Pobedonostsev hated the press, which, in his opinion, intrudes with its own opinion into all corners of life; imposes his ideas on the reader and influences the actions of people in the most harmful way.

What was offered instead? According to Pobedonostsev, society rests on the "natural force of inertia", based not on knowledge, but on experience. Politically, this meant respect for the old state institutions. The opposition between rational thought and traditional life was a very desirable conclusion for conservatives, but dangerous for social progress. As you know, a wise state policy takes into account both of these vital factors.

In practice, the implementation of these rather complex legal ideas was carried out with the help of planting pseudo-folk views, idealizing antiquity, and supporting nationalism.

Counter-reforms of Alexander III (page 3 of 4)

Alexander III dressed in folk clothes; even in the architecture of official buildings the pseudo-Russian style dominated.

The period of the reign of Alexander III was marked by a series of reactionary transformations, called counter-reforms, aimed at revising the reforms of previous decades.

In the post-reform years, the nobility recalled the "good old days" of the serfdom era with a sense of nostalgia. The government could no longer return to the previous order, it tried to maintain such a mood. In the year of the twentieth anniversary of the 1861 reform, even the mere mention of the abolition of serfdom was forbidden.

An attempt to revive the pre-reform order was the adoption of some legislative acts. On June 12, 1889, a law on zemstvo district chiefs appeared. In the provinces, 2,200 zemstvo sections were created. Zemstvo chiefs with a wide range of powers were placed at the head of the plots: control over the communal self-government of the peasants, consideration of court cases, previously carried out by the Magistrate's Court, resolution of land issues, etc. The positions of zemstvo chiefs could only be occupied by persons of noble origin who had a high land qualification. The special status of zemstvo chiefs meant an arbitrary increase in the power of the nobility.

In 1892, a new regulation on cities appeared. City government could no longer act independently. The government received the right not to approve legally elected mayors. For voters, the property qualification was raised. As a result, the number of voters decreased by 3-4 times. Thus, in Moscow the number of voters decreased from 23,000 to 7,000 people. In fact, employees and labor intelligentsia were removed from city government. Management was entirely in the hands of homeowners, industrialists, merchants and innkeepers.

In 1890 the rights of zemstvos were even more limited. According to the new law, 57% of the vowels were retained by the nobility in the zemstvos. The chairmen of the zemstvo councils were subject to approval by the administration, and in cases of their non-approval, they were appointed by the authorities. The number of vowels from the peasants was reduced, a new procedure was introduced for the election of vowels from them. Rural assemblies elected only candidates, and for each place at least two or three, of which the governor appointed a vowel. Disagreements between the zemstvos and the local administration were resolved by the latter.

In 1884, a new university statute was introduced that abolished the internal autonomy of the universities. Teachers elected to their positions by academic councils had to go through the approval process of the Minister of Education. Tuition fees have increased. Benefits for conscripting people with education into the army were limited. In relation to the secondary school, the notorious circular on “cook’s children” was issued, recommending that the admission to the gymnasium be limited to “children of coachmen, footmen, cooks, laundresses, small shopkeepers and the like, whose children, with the exception of perhaps gifted with extraordinary abilities, should not at all be out of the environment to which they belong.

Perhaps most of all, Russia during this period was lucky with its financial policy, which was largely facilitated by prominent people who successively held the post of Minister of Finance: N. Kh. Bunge, I. A. Vyshnegradsky and S. Yu. Witte. Financial recovery was achieved in Russia: the ruble became stable, and the financial deficit was overcome. This happened due to the improvement of the tax system, the development of railway and industrial construction, the attraction of foreign capital and a sharp increase in the export of bread. More bread began to be sold abroad than demand could afford. However, on the shoulders of a starving village, Russia was able to capture the food markets of Europe, and the state reached its financial peak.

Alexander III, having no predilection for reflection, did not know doubts. Like any limited person, he had complete certainty in thoughts, feelings and actions. He understood history as amusing stories and did not consider it necessary to draw conclusions from it. The stake on the support of the local nobility by the end of the 19th century. was at least a political mistake. New forces have formed in Russia. The strengthened bourgeoisie insistently demanded its participation in political life. The thirteen years of the reign of Alexander III were a relatively calm period, but this calmness was accompanied by a deep political stagnation, no less dangerous than turbulent events.

Alexander III. Russian emperor (1881-1894), nicknamed the Peacemaker. Portrait by I. N. Kramskoy. 1880.

  1. Law on Zemstvo Chiefs
  2. Judicial conversions
  3. Education reform
  4. Censorship reforms
  5. agrarian question
  6. labor legislation
  7. Results of the counter-reforms

The article briefly outlines the policy of reforms of Alexander III, which were essentially counter-reforms aimed at destroying the transformations carried out by Alexander II. Such a policy was largely caused by the activation of various revolutionary socio-political movements and the assassination of Alexander II.

The first steps of Alexander III on the path of counter-reforms
Most of the ministers were determined to continue the transformations begun by Alexander II. Their main opponent was Pobedonostsev, who managed to convince the new emperor that his father's reforms brought Russia only evil; a slow but steady movement towards eradicating the consequences of innovations is necessary. The emperor listened to the advice of Pobedonostsev. The result was the tsar's manifesto, published at the end of April 1881. From it it became clear that Russia will go along the path of counter-reforms. Ministers - supporters of reforms resigned.
From September 1881, at any time, emergency measures could be announced with the provision of special powers to local authorities, which in fact meant the possibility of declaring martial law on any territory of the Russian Empire.

Law on Zemstvo Chiefs
The law on zemstvo chiefs (July 12, 1889) abolished the main provisions of the Judicial Charter of 1864. In all counties of the Russian Empire, a new position of zemstvo chiefs was introduced, combining administrative and judicial power in their hands and reporting only to the governor and chairman of the county assembly of the nobility. They were appointed directly by the Minister of the Interior. Zemsky chiefs were to be appointed from the nobility, for whom, moreover, there was a qualification ( higher education, long-term residence on the territory of land holdings). In fact, the zemstvo chiefs exercised administrative and police control over the peasants, monitored the collection of taxes, and applied corporal punishment. According to the idea of ​​the author of the project, Count Tolstoy, an idyllic patriarchal system was to be created with a chief - the patron of his peasants. Even supporters of this opinion argued that the success of the reform would depend entirely on the personal qualities of the zemstvo chiefs, on their real concern for the needs of the subject peasant population. In practice, everything turned out differently. In fact, the reform meant the return of the subordination of the peasants to the landowners.

Zemstvo and city counter-reforms (1890-1892)
Zemstvo reform was aimed at embedding zemstvos into a centralized system of state power. She was supposed to draw a sharp line between the estates and increase the influence of the nobles in the zemstvos. According to it, the number of vowels from the landowners doubled due to a decrease in the property qualification. For residents of cities, the property qualification increased. Peasants could not directly choose vowels, but had to first submit a list of candidates for vowels for the consideration of the governor. At the same time, peasants could only propose candidates from their class.
According to the City Regulations, a new procedure for elections to city Dumas was established. Owners of large real estate received a significant advantage. All decisions of the Duma had to be approved by the governor. Accordingly, city administration also again fell under the full control of the government.

Judicial conversions
The main reform in the judiciary was the already mentioned association of administrative and judicial authorities in the person of zemstvo chiefs. The property and educational qualifications for jurors increased. Cases of "resistance to the authorities" were withdrawn from their jurisdiction. In general, the courts fell under state and noble control.

Education reform
One of the measures to reform education was the opening of parochial schools, which was supposed to strengthen the moral state of society. The lowest level of education is the so-called. literacy schools, where teachers did not even require special education, were transferred to the jurisdiction of the Holy Synod.
The reform of higher education was expressed in the University Charter of 1884, which effectively abolished the existing freedoms and privileges of universities. The programs of the universities, mainly for the faculties of law and philology, were drawn up by the reactionary Ministry of Education. The government itself appointed rectors and professors, tuition fees increased, students were under special supervision.
Measures were taken to limit the education of people from non-noble estates. The government of Alexander III believed that the darker and ignorant the people, the easier it would be to manage them.

Censorship reforms
In 1882, new rules for the press were introduced, which increased censorship, and a number of publications were closed. Periodicals that received three warnings could only be released if they provided materials for release for censorship consideration no later than 11 pm before the day of publication. Naturally, this was an almost impossible condition for daily newspapers. A council of four ministers had the right to a complete deprivation of publishing rights.



agrarian question
To the credit of Alexander III, it should be said that he took some measures to try to improve the peasant situation. When state-owned lands were leased, priority was given to landless peasants (before that, most of these lands were leased to entrepreneurs and wealthy peasants who did not use the land directly, but only received income from them). The lease term was 12 years. Redemption payments were reduced, and the redemption itself became mandatory. The peasant temporarily obligated position was canceled, which kept them still dependent. The Peasants' Bank was established to help poor peasants buy land. However, the activities of the bank did not bring significant results. During the 10 years of the bank's existence, peasant land ownership increased by 1% with its assistance. The poll tax from the peasants was first reduced, and then completely abolished.

Landless peasants throughout the 19th century. made unauthorized migration beyond the Urals. The government could not fight it and only made feeble attempts to legitimize the process. However, the legal red tape associated with this repelled the peasantry and the process of unauthorized resettlement continued, amounting to about 40 thousand people by the end of the century. in year. Finally, in July 1889, the Resettlement Act was published. According to it, the permission of the Minister of Internal Affairs (before that, also the Minister of State Property) was necessary for resettlement. To facilitate settling in a new place, the settlers were completely exempted from taxes for the first three years, and for another three years they could pay them at 50%. A small amount of financial and in-kind assistance was given.

labor legislation
During the reign of Alexander III, the first attempts were made to improve the situation of the workers, to reduce the excessive exploitation of labor. The labor of children under 12 was prohibited. The maximum working time for was limited to 11 and a half hours. The provisions for the conclusion and termination of labor contracts between workers and entrepreneurs were determined. Finally, the night work of women and minors was prohibited.

Results of the counter-reforms
The murder of his father greatly influenced Alexander III. He was against the ongoing reforms, considering them unacceptable to the Russian autocracy. The tragedy only strengthened his thoughts. The reaction that began during the years of his reign was aimed at returning the power of the central government, relying on the nobility. The sprouts of freedom sown by Alexander II were trampled down, and measures were taken to preserve the existing system. This, of course, significantly hampered the development of the Russian Empire. The most reactionary were the measures in relation to legal proceedings, education and increased censorship.

Only measures aimed at improving the condition of the workers and peasants can be recognized as positive. These measures did not bring significant results, but the very fact of recognizing their necessity makes it possible to treat the reactionary government of Alexander III with greater sympathy.

Federal Agency for Education

Chita Institute (branch)

SEI HPE "Baikal State University of Economics and Law"

Department of Theory and History of State and Law

TEST

ON THE HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL STATE AND LAW

OPTION #4

Completed by: a student of the OZO

PLAN

  1. Counter-reforms of Alexander III.

1. Personality of Alexander III………………………………………………..3

2. Counter-reforms of Alexander III……………………………………...5

2.1. Zemstvo……………………………………………………………….5

2.2. City government…………………………………….....6

2.3. Court……………………………………………………………………..7

2.4. Education…………………………………………………………….8

2.5. Printing………………………………………………………………….9

2.6. Counter-reforms in the socio-economic sphere……………10

3. The results of the counter-reforms……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

II. Incidents

  1. The solution of the incident according to the text of the Charter for the rights, liberties and advantages of the noble Russian nobility…………..12

  2. The decision of the incident according to the text of the Fundamentals of the Criminal Legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

References

I. Counter-reforms of Alexander III.

1. Personality of Alexander III.

Alexander III was born in 1845. He was the second son of Alexander II, and he was not prepared for the throne. On March 1, 1881, after the assassination of Emperor Alexander II by terrorists, Alexander III ascended the throne. Alexander received the usual military education for great princes. He did not excel in his studies. Teachers considered him a diligent slow-witted. The elder brother of Alexander III, Nikolai, died of tuberculosis in 1865, and after his death, Alexander Alexandrovich became the heir to the throne. By this time, Alexander Alexandrovich was already an established person, with certain views, inclinations, and horizons. He soon married a Danish princess, the bride of his late brother, at his dying request.

Having ascended the throne, he made it his task to complete the reforms of Alexander II.

However, in the first half of the 1880s, under the influence of economic development and the current political situation, the government of Alexander III was forced to carry out a series of reforms. In 1882, a peasant bank was established, with the help of which peasants could acquire landed property. This decision was made by Speransky, but did not receive the support of Alexander I. This decision was a natural step before the abolition of taxes and the permission to buy land. In 1890, a new position was introduced - the zemstvo chief, who concentrated administrative and judicial power in his hands. It was a step back towards autocracy, but it was necessary, since today's Russia was not ready for democracy. The year 1884 was marked by the introduction of a new university charter - military gymnasiums were transformed into cadet corps. With the resignation of the Minister of the Interior, Count N.I. Ignatiev, and the appointment of Count D.A. Tolstoy to this post, a period of open reaction began. During the reign of Alexander III, administrative arbitrariness increased significantly. Administrative arbitrariness was strengthened by a series of decrees in 1890.

In order to develop new lands under Alexander III, the resettlement of peasant families to Siberia proceeded at a rapid pace. The government to some extent took care of improving the life of workers - rules were introduced on hiring for rural and factory work, the supervision of which was entrusted to factory inspectors, and the work of minors and women was limited.

In foreign policy during these years, there was a deterioration in Russian-German relations and there was a gradual rapprochement between Russia and France, ending with the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance (1891-1893).

2. Counter-reforms of Alexander III.

The reign of Emperor Alexander III (1881-1894) became a kind of historical pause - a time of reflection on the great transformations of the previous reign and a time of reaction that replaced the reformist onslaught of the previous 20th anniversary. In historical science, this time was called the era of counter-reforms.

The measures of the government of Alexander III, known as counter-reforms, consisted in revising many of the achievements of the previous course in such important areas of Russian society as zemstvo, city government, courts, education and the press.

2.1 Zemstvo

In 1864, the creation of zemstvo institutions began. This meant the revival of the ancient zemstvo with its idea of ​​popular representation and self-government bodies independent of the central government. The role of the latter was reduced to nothing at the end of the 17th century.

According to the new “Regulations on provincial and district zemstvo institutions” of 1890, the zemstvo was transformed. The nobility got the opportunity to elect most of the elected zemstvo figures - vowels. The property qualification (the minimum level of income giving the right to a representative of one or another class to participate in the activities of zemstvo institutions) was reduced for the nobility and increased for the urban population. Peasants generally lost the right to choose vowels, since now they were appointed by the governor from among the peasant electors - persons authorized by peasant societies to participate in elections.

The newly elected zemstvo vowels were approved by the governor, which placed the zemstvo institutions under the strict control of the state. In fact, this crossed out the main idea of ​​the zemstvo - independence from state authorities and the tsar in resolving issues of local self-government. The meaning of the zemstvo counter-reform was to nullify the possibility of participation in the work of zemstvo bodies of "random" (undesirable for the regime) people, to increase the representation of the nobility - the support of the throne, and ultimately to make the zemstvos loyal to the autocratic authorities. All these measures reflected the opposition of the tsar and the nobility to the democratic Russian zemstvo (“land”, “people”) - a confrontation that goes deep into Russian history.

2.2) City government

The city counter-reform pursued exactly the same goals as the zemstvo one: to weaken the elective principle, to narrow the range of issues addressed by the city self-government bodies, and to expand the scope of government powers. According to the new city regulation of 1892, the property qualification, which gave the right to participate in elections, increased. As a result, the number of voters in Moscow, for example, decreased three times. The provision that city dumas and councils act independently was withdrawn from the legislation. The intervention of the tsarist administration in their affairs was consolidated. The government received the right not to approve the officially elected mayor - the chairman of the city duma. The number of meetings of the latter was limited. Thus, city self-government was, in fact, turned into a kind of public service.

2.3). Court

The judicial system of Russia - the most successful brainchild of the reformers removed from power - did not undergo any significant changes at that time. The judicial statutes of 1864 continued to operate successfully. However, publicity was limited in legal proceedings in political cases: the publication of reports on political trials was prohibited. All cases of violent actions against officials were withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the jury.

Significant changes have taken place in the lower judiciary. The magistrates' courts, which, in addition to dealing with petty cases, resolved disputes between peasants and landlords, were largely liquidated. They survived only in three large cities - Moscow, St. Petersburg and Odessa. Justices of the peace were replaced by zemstvo district chiefs, whose positions were granted exclusively to noblemen with a high property qualification. Unlike the magistrate's court, which was entrusted with reaching an agreement between the peasants and landlords, the zemstvo chiefs resolved all contentious issues individually, with an eye on the local state administration.

2.4).Education

Since the students were considered the main source of free-thinking, a hotbed of republican ideas and all sorts of unrest, Russian universities became one of the first victims of the protective course. The new university charter of 1884 abolished their autonomy. The university court was liquidated, any student associations were prohibited. Teachers elected by academic councils were necessarily approved in their positions by the Minister of Education. All university life was now led by a state official - the trustee of the educational district: he appointed deans (one of the highest elected positions of the university), had the right to convene the academic council, attend its meetings, and oversee teaching. The state did not forget to remind students about the "duty of military duty": conscription benefits for persons with higher education were limited, and the minimum period of military service was increased.

The inspirer and main organizer of the counter-reforms in the field of education, Count I. D. Delyanov, the Minister of Public Education since 1882, also authored the infamous circular "about the cook's children." In this document, it was recommended to limit the admission to the gymnasium and pro-gymnasium "of the children of coachmen, lackeys, cooks, laundresses, small shopkeepers and the like, whose children, with the exception of perhaps gifted with extraordinary abilities, should not be taken out of the environment to which they belong." In secondary and higher educational institutions, the admission of persons of Jewish nationality was reduced. The circular, however, did not have any real consequences, remaining in the history of Russian education as an example of the exceptional limitations of state officials.

2.5). Seal

The first experience of freedom of speech was interrupted after the approval in August 1882 of the new "Provisional Rules on the Press" (which became permanent). The administration received the right to close any newspapers and magazines and deprive publishers and editors of the right to continue their professional activities. The editorial offices were obliged to disclose the pseudonyms of their authors at the request of the authorities. Increased censorship.

In accordance with the new legislation, in 1884, the journal Otechestvennye Zapiski, hated by the government, ceased to exist, edited by M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin. But the newspaper of M. N. Katkov (1818-1887) Moskovskie Vedomosti flourished. Exactly in the 80s. This is the final period of activity of this famous Russian publicist, who at one time was known as a liberal and did a lot to expand the range of issues allowed for discussion in the press. But from the mid-60s, and especially after the establishment of a new government course under Alexander III, Katkov did a lot to strengthen the protective spirit and intolerance in the country of those in power. Possessing great journalistic talent and a reputation as a liberal, he managed to instill doubt in the minds of his readers about the need to continue the reforms, which he declared as a whole as “unsuccessful”: “A few more months, perhaps weeks of the former regime,” he wrote on the occasion of the manifesto on April 29 1881 - and the collapse would have been inevitable.

2.6. Counter-reforms in the socio-economic sphere

The reactionary nature of the government of Alexander III also manifested itself in the socio-economic sphere. An attempt to protect the interests of the ruined landowners led to a tougher policy towards the peasantry, as a result of which, in order to prevent the emergence of a rural bourgeoisie, the family divisions of the peasants were limited and obstacles were put up for the alienation of peasant allotments. However, in the conditions of the increasingly complicated international situation, the government could not help but encourage the development of capitalist relations, and primarily in the field of industrial production, although it did this not very consistently. Priority was given to enterprises and industries of strategic importance. A policy of their encouragement and state protection was carried out, which actually turned them into monopolists. As a result of these actions, threatening disproportions were growing, which could lead to economic and social upheavals.

RESULTS

The reactionary transformations of the 1880s and 1890s were called counter-reforms. Their successful implementation was due to the lack of forces in Russian society that would be able to create an effective opposition to government policy. The counter-reforms did not achieve their goals: society could no longer be stopped in its development. To top it all off, they extremely aggravated relations between the government and society.

In general, the era of counter-reforms did not lead to fundamental political and social changes. Measures aimed at breaking down the social structure established after the reforms of Alexander II were not consistent, their pro-nobility character was contrary to the course of economic development. Ultimately, they created a deceptive impression of the inviolability of the autocratic system.

II. Incidents.

Case number 1. Solution.

According to Art. 15 Letters on the rights, liberties and advantages of the noble Russian nobility "May corporal punishment not touch the noble."

Consequently, the governor was wrong, he should not have given the order to flog Timashevsky.

Case number 2. Solution.

According to Art. 10 of the Fundamentals of Criminal Legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics of December 25, 1958. “Persons who have committed a crime at the age of fourteen to sixteen years are subject to criminal liability only for murder, intentional infliction of bodily harm ...”. Measures of an educational nature may be applied to persons under the age of eighteen, if the crime committed by them does not pose a great public danger.

And since the minors Glyzin and Adov committed murder - a crime that poses a great public danger, then

the application of educational measures of punishment to them is not possible.

References:

Regulations:

  1. Diploma on the rights, liberties and advantages of the noble Russian nobility dated 21.04. 1785. Russian legislation of the X-XX centuries. in 9 v. T 5 Legislation of the period of the dawn of absolutism. Legal Literature, 1987.

  2. Fundamentals of the criminal legislation of the USSR and the Union republics of December 25, 1958.

Educational literature:

  1. Zyryanov P.N. History of Russia XIX century. - M.: Enlightenment, 1994

  2. Kinyapina D.S. Foreign policy of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. - M .: Bustard, 2005

  3. Pashkov B.G. Russia - Russia - Russian Empire. Chronicle of the reigns and events of 862-1917. – 2nd edition. - M.: TsentrKom, 1997

    Alexandra III 2. Background counter-reforms 80-90s of the XIX century 3. ... the internal policy of the autocracy under Alexandra III did not involve counter-reforms. At the same time, a number of ...

After the assassination of the king Alexandra 2 his son Alexander 3 (1881-1894) came to the throne. Shocked by the violent death of his father, fearing the strengthening of revolutionary manifestations, at the beginning of his reign, he hesitated in choosing a political course. But, having fallen under the influence of the initiators of the reactionary ideology K.P. Pobedonostsev and D.A. Tolstoy, Alexander 3 gave political priorities to the preservation of autocracy, the warming of the class system, traditions and foundations of Russian society, hostility to liberal transformations.

Only public pressure could influence the policy of Alexander 3. However, after the brutal assassination of Alexander 2, the expected revolutionary upsurge did not occur. Moreover, the assassination of the reformer tsar recoiled society from the Narodnaya Volya, showing the senselessness of terror, and the intensified police repressions finally changed the balance in the social alignment in favor of the conservative forces.

Under these conditions, it became possible to turn to counter-reforms in the policy of Alexander 3. This was clearly indicated in the Manifesto, published on April 29, 1881, in which the emperor declared his will to preserve the foundations of autocracy and thereby eliminated the hopes of the democrats for the transformation of the regime into a constitutional monarchy - not we will describe the reforms of Alexander 3 in the table, but instead we will describe them in more detail.

Alexander III replaced liberal figures in the government with hardliners. The concept of counter-reforms was developed by its main ideologist KN Pobedonostsev. He argued that the liberal reforms of the 60s led to upheavals in society, and the people, left without guardianship, became lazy and wild; called for a return to the traditional foundations of national life.

To strengthen the autocratic system, the system of zemstvo self-government was subjected to changes. In the hands of the zemstvo chiefs, the judicial and administrative powers were combined. They had unlimited power over the peasants.

The “Regulations on Zemstvo Institutions” published in 1890 strengthened the role of the nobility in Zemstvo institutions and the administration's control over them. The representation of landowners in zemstvos increased significantly by introducing a high property qualification.

Seeing the main threat to the existing system in the face of the intelligentsia, the emperor, in order to strengthen the positions of his loyal nobility and bureaucracy, in 1881 issued the “Regulations on measures to preserve state security and public peace”, which granted numerous repressive rights to the local administration (declare a state of emergency, expel without court, bring to court martial, close educational institutions). This law was used until the reforms of 1917 and became a tool for fighting the revolutionary and liberal movement.

In 1892, a new “City Regulation” was issued, which infringed on the independence of city governments. The government included them in common system government agencies, thereby putting under control.

Alexander III considered the strengthening of the peasant community to be an important direction of his policy. In the 1980s, a process was outlined of freeing the peasants from the fetters of the community, which prevented their free movement and initiative. Alexander 3 by law of 1893 forbade the sale and pledge of peasant lands, nullifying all the successes of previous years.

In 1884, Alexander undertook a university counter-reform, the purpose of which was to educate an intelligentsia obedient to the authorities. The new university charter severely limited the autonomy of universities, placing them under the control of trustees.

Under Alexander 3, the development of factory legislation began, which restrained the initiative of the owners of the enterprise and excluded the possibility of workers fighting for their rights.

The results of the counter-reforms of Alexander 3 are contradictory: the country managed to achieve an industrial boom, refrain from participating in wars, but at the same time social unrest and tension intensified.

(1881-1894). His reign is called "counter-reforms", since many of the transformations of the 1860s and 1870s. have been revised. This was a response to the anti-government activities of the raznochintsy intelligentsia. The inner circle of the ruler were reactionaries: Chief Prosecutor of the Synod K.P. Pobedonostsev, Minister of Internal Affairs D.A. Tolstoy and publicist M.K. Katkov. At the same time, Alexander III led a cautious foreign policy, under him, Russia did not fight with anyone, for which the emperor received the nickname "Peacemaker". The main measures of the reactionary course:

1) Zemstvo counter-reform. In 1889, zemstvo chiefs were introduced. They were appointed by the Minister of the Interior only from among the local nobles and exercised administrative and police control over the peasants. They kept order, the collection of taxes, and in case of faults they could put the peasants under arrest and subject them to corporal punishment. The power of the zemstvo chiefs practically restored the rights of the landlords over the peasants, which they had lost during the reform of 1861.

In 1890, the property qualification was significantly increased during elections to zemstvos, which significantly increased the number of landowners in them. The list of vowels from the peasants was now approved by the governor.

2) Urban counter-reform. In 1892, due to the increase in the property qualification, the number of voters decreased. Resolutions of the city duma were sanctioned by the provincial authorities, the number of meetings of the duma was limited. Thus, city self-government was practically under the control of the government.

3) Judicial counter-reform. In 1887, the property and educational qualifications for jurors increased, which increased the representation of the nobility in court. Limited publicity and publicity. Political cases were excluded from the jurisdiction of the jury.

4) Counter-reforms in education and the press. Tighter control over universities. The university charter of 1884 effectively abolished the autonomy of the universities. The rector and professors were appointed by the government. The tuition fee has been doubled. A special inspectorate was created to supervise students.

In 1887, the so-called “circular about cook’s children” was adopted, which did not recommend admitting children from non-noble families to the gymnasium, it was openly said about the ban on accepting “children of coachmen, lackeys, laundresses, small shopkeepers and similar people” in the gymnasium.

Censorship was tightened. All radical and a number of liberal publications were closed.

From 1881, a state of emergency was allowed in any part of the empire. Local authorities received the right to arrest "suspicious persons", exile them without trial for up to 5 years in any locality and transfer them to a military court, close educational institutions and press organs, and suspend the activities of zemstvos.


However, the reign of Alexander III was not limited to carrying out counter-reforms. Concessions were made to the peasantry and workers. All former landlord peasants were transferred to compulsory redemption, in 1881 their temporarily liable state was canceled, and redemption payments were reduced. In 1882, the Peasants' Bank was established. In 1883-1885. the poll tax from the peasants was abolished.

In 1882, a law was passed prohibiting the work of underage workers (under 12 years of age). Night work of women and minors was prohibited. The maximum length of the working day was limited to 11.5 hours. Under the influence of the Morozov strike (1885), a law was issued on the introduction of a factory inspection and the arbitrariness of manufacturers in collecting fines was limited. However, social tensions were not removed.

Thus, during the period under review, there was a departure from the main goals and principles of the reforms of the 60-70s. The counter-reforms carried out temporarily stabilized the socio-political situation in the country. However, dissatisfaction with the course pursued was growing in society.