Babrak karmal is a forgotten hero. Babrak Karmal - Forgotten Hero The Great Confrontation of Systems

  • 23.12.2020
3rd Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the DRA December 27, 1979 - November 24, 1986 Predecessor: Hafizullah Amin Successor: Muhammad Chamkani (Acting)
Mohammad Najibullah December 27, 1979 - June 11, 1981 Predecessor: Hafizullah Amin Successor: Sultan Ali Keshtmand Birth: 6th January(1929-01-06 )
Kamari, near Kabul, Kingdom of Afghanistan Death: December 3(1996-12-03 ) (67 years old)
Moscow, Russia Place of burial: Hairatan, Afghanistan Name at birth: Sultan Hussein Father: Muhammad Hussein Khan Spouse: Mahbuba Karmal The consignment: PDPA (since 1965) Activity: politician Awards:

Biography

Personal life

According to the testimony of the Soviet military leader Alexander Mayorov, who held the position of chief military adviser in Afghanistan in 1980-1981, he was in close relations with one of the first four women deputies in the history of Afghanistan, Anahita Ratebzad.

Opinions

In his memoirs The Truth About the Afghan War, former Soviet military leader Alexander Mayorov described Karmal as follows: “In my life I did not like fools, loafers and drunkards. And here all these qualities are concentrated in one person. And this person is the leader of the party and the head of state! "

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Notes

Literature

  • Alexander Mayorov. The truth about the Afghan war. - M .: Human Rights, 1996. - 287 p. - ISBN 5-7712-0032-8.

Links

Predecessor:
Hafizullah Amin
Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of Afghanistan

December 27 - November 24
Successor:
H. M. Chamkani
Predecessor:
Hafizullah Amin
General Secretary of the Central Committee of the PDPA

December 27 - May 4
Successor:
Muhammad Najibullah
Predecessor:
Hafizullah Amin
14th Prime Minister of Afghanistan

December 27 - June 11
Successor:
Sultan Ali Keshtmand

An excerpt characterizing Karmal, Babrak

The Russians not only did not fortify the position of the Borodino field to the left at a right angle from the road (that is, the place where the battle took place), but never before August 25, 1812 did not think that the battle could take place on this place. This is evidenced, firstly, by the fact that not only on the 25th there were no fortifications in this place, but that, begun on the 25th, they were not completed on the 26th; secondly, the position of the Shevardinsky redoubt serves as proof: the Shevardinsky redoubt, in front of the position on which the battle was taken, does not make any sense. Why was this redoubt fortified stronger than all other points? And why, defending it on the 24th until late at night, were all efforts exhausted and six thousand people lost? To observe the enemy, a Cossack patrol was enough. Thirdly, the proof that the position on which the battle took place was not foreseen and that the Shevardinsky redoubt was not the forward point of this position is that Barclay de Tolly and Bagration until the 25th were convinced that the Shevardinsky redoubt was the left flank of the position and that Kutuzov himself, in his report, written in the heat of the moment after the battle, calls the Shevardinsky redoubt the left flank of the position. Much later, when reports about the battle of Borodino were written in the open, it was (probably to justify the mistakes of the commander in chief, who had to be infallible) that unfair and strange testimony was invented that the Shevardinsky redoubt served as an advanced post (whereas it was only a fortified point of the left flank) and as if the battle of Borodino was accepted by us in a fortified and pre-selected position, while it took place in a completely unexpected and almost unfortified place.
The case, obviously, was like this: the position was chosen along the Kolocha River, which crossed the main road not at a straight line, but at an acute angle, so that the left flank was in Shevardin, the right flank was near the village of Novy and the center was in Borodino, at the confluence of the Kolocha and Vo rivers. yn. This position, under the cover of the Kolocha River, for the army, whose goal is to stop the enemy moving along the Smolensk road to Moscow, is obvious to anyone who looks at the Borodino field, forgetting how the battle took place.
Napoleon, leaving on the 24th to Valuev, did not see (as the stories say) the position of the Russians from Utitsa to Borodin (he could not see this position, because it was not there) and did not see the advanced post of the Russian army, but stumbled in the pursuit of the Russian rearguard on the left flank of the position of the Russians, on the Shevardinsky redoubt, and unexpectedly for the Russians transferred troops through Kolocha. And the Russians, not having time to enter into a general battle, retreated with their left wing from the position they intended to take, and took up a new position, which was not foreseen and not fortified. Having crossed to the left side of Kolocha, to the left of the road, Napoleon moved the entire future battle from right to left (from the side of the Russians) and transferred it to the field between Utitsa, Semenovsky and Borodino (in this field, which has nothing more advantageous for the position than any another field in Russia), and on this field the whole battle took place on the 26th. In rough form, the plan for the proposed battle and the battle that took place will be as follows:

If Napoleon had not left on the evening of the 24th for Kolocha and had not ordered to attack the redoubt immediately in the evening, but had begun the attack the next day in the morning, then no one would have doubted that the Shevardinsky redoubt was the left flank of our position; and the battle would have taken place as we expected it to. In that case, we would probably have defended the Shevardino redoubt, our left flank, even more stubbornly; they would attack Napoleon in the center or on the right, and on the 24th there would be a general battle in the position that was fortified and foreseen. But since the attack on our left flank took place in the evening, following the retreat of our rearguard, that is, immediately after the battle of Gridneva, and since the Russian military leaders did not want or did not have time to start a general battle on the same 24th evening, the first and main action of Borodinsky the battle was lost on the 24th and, obviously, led to the loss of the one that was given on the 26th.
After the loss of the Shevardinsky redoubt, by the morning of the 25th we found ourselves without a position on the left flank and were forced to bend back our left wing and hastily strengthen it anywhere.
But not only did the Russian troops stand only under the protection of weak, unfinished fortifications on August 26, the disadvantage of this situation was further increased by the fact that the Russian military leaders, not fully recognizing the accomplished fact (the loss of a position on the left flank and the transfer of the entire future battlefield from right to left ), remained in their extended position from the village of Novy to Utitsa and, as a result, had to move their troops from right to left during the battle. Thus, during the entire battle, the Russians had twice the weakest forces against the entire French army, directed at our left wing. (The actions of Poniatowski against Utitsa and Uvarov on the right flank of the French were separate actions from the course of the battle.)
So, the battle of Borodino did not happen at all as (trying to hide the mistakes of our military leaders and, as a result, belittling the glory of the Russian army and people) describe it. The battle of Borodino did not take place on a chosen and fortified position with only the weakest forces on the part of the Russians, and the battle of Borodino, due to the loss of the Shevardinsky redoubt, was taken by the Russians in an open, almost unfortified area with twice the weakest forces against the French, that is, under such conditions, in which it was not only unthinkable to fight for ten hours and make the battle indecisive, but it was unthinkable to keep the army from complete defeat and flight for three hours.

On the 25th in the morning Pierre left Mozhaisk. On the descent from the huge steep and crooked mountain leading out of the city, past the cathedral standing on the mountain to the right, in which there was a service and the gospel, Pierre got out of the carriage and went on foot. Behind him descended on the mountain some kind of cavalry regiment with peselniks in front. A train of carts with the wounded in yesterday's deed was rising towards him. The peasant drivers, shouting at the horses and whipping them with whips, ran from one side to the other. The carts, on which three and four wounded soldiers lay and sat, jumped over the stones thrown in the form of a pavement on a steep slope. The wounded, bound in rags, pale, with pursed lips and frowning eyebrows, holding on to the beds, jumped and jostled in the carts. Everyone looked with almost naive childlike curiosity at Pierre's white hat and green tailcoat.
Pierre's coachman angrily shouted at the line of wounded to keep them to one. The cavalry regiment with songs, descending from the mountain, advanced on Pierre's droshky and blocked the road. Pierre stopped, clinging to the edge of the road dug up in the mountain. Because of the slope of the mountain, the sun did not reach into the deepening of the road, it was cold and damp here; over Pierre's head it was a bright August morning, and the chime rang cheerfully. One cart with the wounded stopped at the edge of the road near Pierre himself. The driver in bast shoes, out of breath, ran up to his cart, slipped a stone under the rear untired wheels and began to straighten the harness on his now horse.
One wounded old soldier with a bandaged hand, who was walking behind the cart, took hold of it with his healthy hand and looked back at Pierre.
- Well, countryman, they will put us here, or what? Ali to Moscow? - he said.
Pierre was so thoughtful that he did not hear the question. He looked first at the cavalry regiment, which now met with the train of wounded, then at the cart by which he stood and on which two wounded were sitting and lying alone, and it seemed to him that here, in them, was the solution of the question that occupied him. One of the soldiers sitting on the cart was probably wounded in the cheek. His whole head was tied with rags, and one cheek was swollen with a child's head. His mouth and nose were on the side. This soldier looked at the cathedral and crossed himself. Another, a young boy, a recruit, blond and white, as if completely without blood in his thin face, looked at Pierre with a stopped kind smile; the third lay prone, and his face was not visible. Cavalry riders passed over the cart itself.

December 27, 1979 - November 24, 1986 Predecessor: Hafizullah Amin Successor: Muhammad Chamkani (Acting)
Mohammad Najibullah December 27, 1979 - June 11, 1981 Predecessor: Hafizullah Amin Successor: Sultan Ali Keshtmand Religion: Birth: 6th January(1929-01-06 )
Kamari, near Kabul, Kingdom of Afghanistan Death: December 3(1996-12-03 ) (67 years old)
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Biography

Personal life

According to the testimony of the Soviet military leader Alexander Mayorov, who held the position of chief military adviser in Afghanistan in 1980-1981, he was in close relations with one of the first four women deputies in the history of Afghanistan, Anahita Ratebzad.

Opinions

In his memoirs The Truth About the Afghan War, former Soviet military leader Alexander Mayorov described Karmal as follows: “In my life I did not like fools, loafers and drunkards. And here all these qualities are concentrated in one person. And this person is the leader of the party and the head of state! "

Write a review on the article "Karmal, Babrak"

Notes

Literature

  • Alexander Mayorov. The truth about the Afghan war. - M .: Human Rights, 1996. - 287 p. - ISBN 5-7712-0032-8.

Links

  • Wikimedia Commons logo Karmal, Babrak: themed media at Wikimedia Commons
Predecessor:
Hafizullah Amin
Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of Afghanistan

December 27 - November 24
Successor:
H. M. Chamkani
Predecessor:
Hafizullah Amin
General Secretary of the Central Committee of the PDPA

December 27 - May 4
Successor:
Muhammad Najibullah
Predecessor:
Hafizullah Amin
14th Prime Minister of Afghanistan

December 27 - June 11
Successor:
Sultan Ali Keshtmand

An excerpt characterizing Karmal, Babrak

- I came to say goodbye, prophetic. Peace be with you…” I said softly, not knowing how I should greet them.
Never in my life have I felt such a complete, all-encompassing, Great POWER!.. They did not move, but it seemed that the whole hall was swaying with warm waves of some kind of unprecedented power for me... It was real LIFE!!! I didn't know what other words to call it. I was shocked!.. I wanted to embrace it with myself!.. Absorb it into myself... Or just fall to my knees!.. Feelings overwhelmed me with a stunning avalanche, hot tears flowed down my cheeks...
- Hello, Isidora. one of them sounded warm. – We pity you. You are the daughter of the Magus, you will share his path... The Force will not leave you. Go with FAITH, my dear...
My soul aspired to them with the cry of a dying bird!.. My wounded heart rushed to them, breaking against an evil fate... But I knew that it was too late - they slinged me... and pitied me. Never before have I "heard" how deep the meaning of these marvelous words is. And now the joy of their wondrous, new sounding surged, filling me, not letting me breathe from the feelings that overwhelmed my wounded soul...
In these words there lived both a quiet, bright sadness, and a sharp pain of loss, the beauty of the life that I had to live, and a huge wave of Love, coming from somewhere far away and, merging with the Earth, flooding my soul and body ... Life swept by in a whirlwind , hooking on every "edge" of my nature, leaving no cell that would not be touched by the warmth of love. I was afraid that I would not be able to leave ... And, probably because of the same fear, I immediately woke up from a wonderful “farewell”, seeing next to me amazing people in their inner strength and beauty. Around me stood tall old men and young men dressed in dazzling white robes that looked like long tunics. Some of them were girdled with red, and for two it was a patterned wide "belt" embroidered with gold and silver.
Oh look! - my impatient girlfriend Stella suddenly interrupted the wonderful moment. - They are very similar to your "star friends", as you showed them to me! .. Look, is it really them, what do you think ?! Well, tell me!!!
To be honest, even when we saw the Holy City, it seemed very familiar to me. And similar thoughts came to me as soon as I saw the Magi. But I immediately drove them away, not wanting to have vain "bright hopes" ... It was too important and too serious, and I just waved my hand to Stella, as if saying that we would talk later when we were alone. I understood that Stella would be upset, because, as always, she wanted an immediate answer to her question. But at the moment, in my opinion, it was far from being as important as the wonderful story told by Isidora, and I mentally asked Stella to wait. I smiled guiltily at Isidora, and she answered with her wonderful smile and continued...
My gaze was riveted by a powerful tall old man, who had something subtly similar to my beloved father, who suffered in the cellars of Karaffa. For some reason, I immediately understood that this was Vladyka... The Great White Magus. His amazing, piercing, imperious gray eyes looked at me with deep sadness and warmth, as if he was saying the last “Goodbye!” to me ...
– Come, Child of Light, we forgive you...
A wondrous, joyful white Light suddenly came from him, which, enveloping everything around with a soft radiance, enclosed me in an affectionate embrace, penetrating into the most hidden corners of my pain-torn Soul ... The Light penetrated every cell, leaving only goodness and peace in it, “ washing away the pain and sadness, and all the bitterness that has accumulated over the years. I soared in a magical radiance, forgetting everything “earthly cruel”, everything “evil and false”, feeling only the wondrous touch of Eternal Being ... The feeling was amazing!!! And I mentally begged - if only it would not end ... But, according to the capricious desire of fate, everything beautiful always ends faster than we would like ...
– We gave you FAITH, it will help you, Child... Listen to her... And sling, Isidora...
I did not even have time to answer, and the Magi "flashed" with a wondrous Light and ... leaving the smell of flowering meadows, they disappeared. Sever and I were left alone... I sadly looked around - the cave remained the same mysterious and sparkling, only it no longer had that pure, warm light that penetrated the very soul...
“That was Jesus' Father, wasn't it? I asked carefully.
– Just like the grandfather and great-grandfather of his son and grandchildren, whose death is also the fault of his soul...
– ?!..
– Yes, Isidora, He is the one who bears the bitter burden of pain... And you can never imagine how great it is... – Sever answered sadly.
- Perhaps it would not be so bitter today if He had pity on the good people who died from someone else's ignorance and cruelty in their time? evil executioners? If even now he would not continue to only “observe” from his height how the “holy” accomplices of Caraffa burn Veduns and Witches in the squares? .. How is he better than Caraffa, if he does not prevent such Evil, Sever ?! After all, if he is able to help, but does not want to, all this earthly horror will forever lie on him! And neither the reason nor the explanation is important when a beautiful human life is at stake! .. I will never be able to understand this, Sever. And I will not “leave” as long as good people are being destroyed here, as long as my earthly Home is being destroyed. Even if I never see my real one... This is my destiny. And so, farewell...
Farewell, Isidora. Peace be to your soul... Forgive me.
I was again in “my” room, in my dangerous and ruthless being... And everything that had just happened seemed just a wonderful dream that I would never dream of again in this life... Or a beautiful fairy tale in which I was probably waiting someone "happy ending". But not me... I was sorry for my failed life, but I was very proud of my brave girl, who will be able to comprehend all this great Miracle... if Caraffa does not destroy her before she can defend herself.
The door opened with a noise - an enraged Caraffa stood on the threshold.
- Well, where did you "walk", Madonna Isidora? my tormentor asked in a mockingly sweet voice.
“I wanted to visit my daughter, Your Holiness. But she couldn't...
I didn't care what he thought, or whether my "outing" made him angry. My soul hovered far away, in the amazing White City, which Easten showed me, and everything around seemed distant and miserable. But, unfortunately, Caraffa did not allow me to go into dreams for a long time ... Immediately sensing my changed mood, the "holiness" panicked.
– Did they let you into Meteora, Madonna Isidora? - Caraffa asked as calmly as possible.
I knew that in his soul he was simply “burning”, wanting to get an answer faster, and I decided to torment him until he told me where my father was now.
“Does it matter, Your Holiness?” After all, you have my father, whom you can ask everything, which is natural, I will not answer. Or have you not had enough time to interrogate him yet?
– I do not advise you to talk to me in such a tone, Isidora. How you intend to behave will largely depend on his fate. Therefore, try to be more polite.
– And how would you behave if instead of mine, your father turned out to be here, Holiness? .. – trying to change the topic that had become dangerous, I asked.
“If my father was a HERETIC, I would burn him at the stake!” - Caraffa answered quite calmly.
What kind of soul did this “holy” person have?!.. And did he even have one?

December 3, 1996, Moscow) - Afghan statesman and politician, head of Afghanistan (1979-1986). While at the head of Afghanistan, Babrak Karmal served as chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and general secretary of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. His government tried to pursue a policy of national reconciliation, stopped mass repressions, allowed the teaching of the Muslim religion at school, but the introduction of Soviet troops united the armed opposition, a civil war broke out in the country. After his resignation in May 1986, Babrak Karmal mostly lived in Moscow.

Babrak Karmal was born in the family of army general Muhammad Hussein Khan, his real name was Sultan Hussein, he took the pseudonym Babrak Karmal later. During his years of study at Kabul University, Babrak Karmal became interested in the ideas of communism. In 1965, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was founded by Nur Mohammed Taraki, Babrak Karmal became its member and deputy N.M. Taraki. In 1967, the PDPA split into two wings: the radical Hulk and the moderate Parcham. Babrak Karmal became the leader of the Parchamists, and N.M. Taraki - Khalqists.
In 1978, the April Revolution took place in Afghanistan, which brought the PDPA, led by Nur Mohammed Taraki, to power. Babrak Karmal took the post of deputy chairman of the Revolutionary Council, but already in July 1978, as a result of internal party intrigues, he was removed from power and sent as the ambassador of Afghanistan to Czechoslovakia. In September 1979, the Khalqist leader Hafizullah Amin seized power in Afghanistan, N.M. Taraki was killed on his orders. In the fall of 1978, Babrak Karmal was accused of organizing an anti-government conspiracy and removed from his post as ambassador. He remained in exile, and repressions against the Parchamists unfolded in Afghanistan. By that time, attempts to implement reforms according to communist recipes had already caused mass discontent in the country. Under the banner of protecting Islamic values, armed resistance to the central authorities unfolded in Afghanistan.
The leadership of the USSR, which supported the revolutionary transformations in Afghanistan, decided to intervene in the development of events, remove H. Amin, who was prone to repressive methods, from power, and replace him with the moderate Babrak Karmal. The overthrow of H. Amin was possible only by armed means, which was carried out by the entry of Soviet troops into the territory of Afghanistan. During the operation carried out by the Soviet special forces on December 27, 1979, H. Amin was killed. On the same day, B. Karmal headed the Revolutionary Council and the PDPA, formed the government of Afghanistan, which he headed until June 11, 1981, when he was replaced as prime minister by Sultan Ali Ketshmand.
Further events developed against the backdrop of the flaring Afghan war (1979-1989), Babrak Karmal's attempts to find ways to national reconciliation were unsuccessful. The new Soviet leader M.S. Gorbachev decided to replace him with Mohammed Najibullah, head of the Afghan State Security Service (KHAD). On May 4, 1986, by decision of the plenum of the Central Committee of the PDPA, B. Karmal was relieved of his duties as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the PDPA, while retaining his membership in the Politburo. At the end of 1986, he was also removed from the post of chairman of the Revolutionary Council. After leaving leadership positions, Babrak Karmal lived in Moscow, in the early years - at a dacha in Serebryany Bor. In recent years, he suffered from kidney disease and died in the First City Hospital in Moscow, and was buried in Afghanistan.

Leaders of political parties and heads of state have always been subjected to fierce and sometimes humiliating and not always justified criticism. Moreover, not only foreign political opponents resorted to such attacks, but also yesterday's fellow party members themselves.

As for Afghanistan, the Western press criticized first the 1st General Secretary of the Central Committee of the PDPA Nur Muhammad Taraki for his pro-Soviet position, and then the 2nd Secretary General - Hafizullah Amin, who was accused of dictatorship, mass repressions (rightly) and even cooperation with the CIA (not proven).

The third general secretary of the Central Committee of the PDPA was Babrak Karmal, who took this post with the support of the Soviet leadership in December 1979. Considering the civil war that broke out in the country and the unprecedented foreign interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, a huge responsibility for the fate of the country and people fell on his shoulders.

From today's standpoint, it is difficult to say in what direction events in this country would develop if B. Karmal had sufficient opportunities to develop and implement a policy that would correspond to the realities of that most difficult situation. Based on the analysis of materials published back in pre-revolutionary times, it can be argued that he had his own vision of the development of Afghanistan along the path of modernization and democracy. It was only in the West that the regime established after the military coup in Kabul on April 27, 1978 was called communist. None of the leaders of the new Afghanistan has ever declared himself a communist. It was about building a society "free from the exploitation of man by man." As the well-known Afghan orientalist M.F. Slinkin wrote, B. Karmal turned to socialism because he “saw in it an alternative to the cruel, soulless, inhumane capitalist social order.” At the same time, "sharing the ideas of Marxism, he resolutely opposed the immediate socialization of Afghanistan, believing that this country is completely unripe and not ready for this kind of voluntaristic experiments."

However, in the presence of Soviet troops, surrounded by all-powerful advisers, but very far from understanding the Afghan situation, he was unable to direct the course of events in the right direction. Already after his forced resignation, while in Moscow, he rightfully stated in an interview: “I was not the head of a sovereign state. It was an occupied state where you really ruled ... I could not take a step without your advisers. He expressed indignation at the lack of understanding of the "Soviet comrades" of the specifics of Afghanistan and the harsh pressure on him from our security forces. The same high-ranking advisers and diplomats attributed their own obvious miscalculations and mistakes to the Afghan leadership headed by B. Karmal, created in Moscow the image of Karmal as a person who was hesitant, indecisive and incapable of implementing the policy of national reconciliation developed in Moscow. They actually made a "scapegoat" out of him. Not only his opponents in the party had a hand in discrediting B. Karmal as a person and political figure…

On March 30, 1986, B. Karmal was taken by a special plane to Moscow, where he was politely and categorically offered to voluntarily resign "in the name of the country's highest interests", transferring his powers to Dr. Najibullah. On May 4, B. Karmal was dismissed from the post of General Secretary according to the wording adopted in Soviet times “for health reasons”, and in November he was sent to the USSR “for treatment”.

Hardly experiencing isolation from his homeland, B. Karmal repeatedly turned to the Soviet leadership with requests for his return to Afghanistan. In the end, his request was granted. For the last years he lived in Hairatan. I saw him there, talking with the locals, but I was “not advised” to approach him by our guys from the special services, who, apparently, were also responsible for his safety. Soon, B. Karmal's health problems really manifested themselves, and he was forced to undergo treatment in Moscow.

The last time I met him was shortly before his death. I was approached by his youngest son Kava with a request to find a good doctor. Together with a doctor, a doctor of the highest category, we arrived at an apartment located in the building of the party hotel of the former Institute of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU. B. Karmal's view was terrible. With a diagnosis of "cerebral atherosclerosis with consequences of circulatory disorders and cancerous cachexia (exhaustion)" he could not look otherwise.

B. Karmal died in December 1996 in Moscow at the 1st Gradskaya Hospital (according to other sources, at the Central Clinical Hospital on Rublevsky Highway). Then he was 68 years old.

At the funeral service held at the Central Clinical Hospital, I did not notice a single high-ranking representative of the Kremlin authorities. Close relatives brought his body to Afghanistan by plane and buried, according to the will, in Hairatan.

It should be emphasized that B. Karmal always treated the Soviet Union with sincere sympathy, both in the initial period of his political activity and during the years of ostracism, which he was subjected to by unceremonious "Soviet friends" and some yesterday's party members and seemingly like-minded people. Until his last breath, he believed in the correctness of the path he had chosen, the ultimate goal of which he saw in the transformation of Afghan society on a democratic basis.