The most closed people. From Lenin to Gorbachev: Encyclopedia of Biographies

12.08.2020

SHELEPIN Alexander Nikolaevich

(08/18/1918 - 10/24/1994). Member of the Presidium (Politburo) of the CPSU Central Committee from 11/16/1964 to 04/16/1975 Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee from 10/31/1961 to 09/26/1967 Member of the CPSU Central Committee in 1952-1975 Member of the CPSU since 1940

Born in Voronezh in the family of a railway employee. Russian. He graduated from high school, where he was the secretary of the Komsomol committee, with honors. In 1936 he entered the Moscow Institute of History, Philosophy and Literature named after N. G. Chernyshevsky. From December 1939 to April 1940 he was in the Red Army, participated in the Soviet-Finnish war, left the institute as a volunteer, served as deputy political instructor, squadron commissar. Returning from the army, until 1943 he combined his studies at the institute with work in the Komsomol: an instructor, head of the physical education department, secretary of the Moscow city committee of the Komsomol for military physical education. With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, he formed sabotage detachments from among the Komsomol members to be sent to the enemy rear. Among the fighters he selected was the Moscow schoolgirl Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, who was posthumously awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. In 1942 he was awarded the Order of the Red Star. From May 1943 secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee for military work, from 1949 second secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee. From October 1952 to April 1958 he was the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee. On the first day after the death of I. V. Stalin, he proposed to rename the Komsomol into Leninist-Stalinist, gathered a plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League to adopt an appeal on this matter, but was not supported by N. S. Khrushchev. He did not tolerate the bureaucratic style of work and swagger, he was distinguished by accessibility and simplicity. He developed democratic principles in the Komsomol, reduced its staff to a minimum, introduced the institution of workers on a voluntary basis. In June 1957, when V. M. Molotov, N. A. Bulganin, G. M. Malenkov, L. M. Kaganovich tried to remove N. S. Khrushchev from power, he resolutely took his side. He was one of the 20 members of the Central Committee of the CPSU who demanded that they be admitted to the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, where the fate of N. S. Khrushchev was decided. The inflamed Marshal K. E. Voroshilov shouted to him: “Is this for you, boy, should we give explanations? Learn to wear long pants first!" On June 21, 1957, among other members of the CPSU Central Committee who were in Moscow, he signed a statement to the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee with a request to urgently convene a Plenum on this issue. In April - December 1958, head of the Department of Party Organs of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the Union Republics. On December 25, 1958, he was appointed chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. He refused the high military rank assigned to him by his post. He was the only chairman of the KGB who did not have the epaulettes of a general. Reduced the state security apparatus by 3,200 operational workers, significantly reduced the information network. Along with people who had exhausted their resources or compromised themselves by participating in unjustified repressions, good specialists were fired from the bodies. According to the former head of foreign intelligence, V. A. Kirpichenko, he never condescended to the intricacies of the Chekist profession. He brought with him to the KGB a large detachment of leading Komsomol workers, appointed them to responsible positions in counterintelligence units, where experienced professionals were supposed to sit. Most of them did not like the new profession and gradually left the KGB. On January 9, 1959, at his suggestion, by protocol No. 200, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU approved the regulation on the KGB and its bodies, which was in force in the USSR until Gorbachev's times. Transferred a significant number of departmental sanatoriums and rest homes to the trade unions, cut other privileges enjoyed by KGB officers, which did not contribute to their mutual love. On March 3, 1959, he sent N. S. Khrushchev a handwritten memo stating that since 1940 the KGB has kept records and other materials on prisoners and interned officers and other persons of former bourgeois Poland shot in the same year. In total, according to the decision of the special construction of the NKVD of the USSR, 21,857 people were shot, of which 4,421 people were shot in the Katyn forest, 3,820 people in the Starobelsky camp near Kharkov, 6,311 people in the Ostashkovsky camp (Kalinin region), and 7,305 people in the camps and prisons of the Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. For the Soviet authorities, A. N. Shelepin wrote, all these cases are of neither operational interest nor historical value. It is unlikely that he can be of real interest to our Polish friends. On the contrary, some unforeseen accident can lead to the reconspiracy of the operation, with all the ensuing consequences. Moreover, there is an official version regarding those shot in the Katyn forest, confirmed by an investigation carried out on the initiative of the Soviet authorities in 1944. The note raised the question of the destruction of all accounting files while maintaining the minutes of the meetings of the "troika" of the NKVD and acts on the implementation of the decisions of the "troika", to which N. S. Khrushchev agreed (APRF. Special folder. Package No. 1. L. 1 - 2). In 1960, he began to create "groups of non-staff employees" who participated "in observation on a voluntary basis." In 1960, he presented the Gold Star of the Hero of the Soviet Union and the Order of Lenin to NKVD agent R. Mercader, who served 20 years in a Mexican prison for the murder of L. D. Trotsky in 1940. At the XXII Congress of the CPSU (October 1961) he made a sharp accusatory speech against I.V. Stalin, accused him of unjustified repressions. He was a member of the commission of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the reburial of I.V. Stalin and the removal of his body from the Mausoleum. He accused V. M. Molotov and L. M. Kaganovich of using the murder of S. M. Kirov as a pretext for organizing reprisals against people they did not like. He reported that the archives preserved a draft document, written personally by L. M. Kaganovich, with a proposal to create extrajudicial bodies, adopt emergency criminal laws that made it possible to defame and exterminate leaders honest and loyal to the party and people. At the organizational Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, held on October 31, 1961, on the last day of the congress, he was elected Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. At the same time, in October 1962 - December 1965, Chairman of the Party and State Control Committee under the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. In October 1964, he was one of the initiators of the removal of N. S. Khrushchev, who told him: "Believe me, they will do even worse with you than with me." At first, he was promoted - he was introduced to the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, for several months he was nominated for a second role in the party, entrusted with overseeing the organizational department that dealt with personnel. Then they sharply lowered, instructing to oversee the light and food industries, finance. According to one version, L. I. Brezhnev was afraid of him. According to another, it was he who was supposed to replace the deposed N. S. Khrushchev. Received the nickname "Iron Shurik". He headed the so-called "Komsomol group" - young greedy careerists rushing to power who had no merit before the state. It is believed that they longed for economic reforms with a hard ideological line. This is roughly the path China took under Deng Xiaoping. He considered L. I. Brezhnev a weak and temporary figure in the leadership, clearly underestimated his dexterity, life experience and influence in the party apparatus. According to A. N. Yakovlev, at one of the feasts in Mongolia, a member of the Soviet party and government delegation N. N. Mesyatsev proclaimed a toast to the future General Secretary A. N. Shelepin: “Thus, the fate of the youth clan was sealed. But Brezhnev gave them the opportunity to “frolic” for some more time and reveal themselves in a more sober environment ”(Yakovlev A.N. Pond of Memory. M., 2001. P. 187). As a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, he refused the guards assigned to him, was modest in everyday life, personally paid all his expenses, and had a negative attitude towards privileges. According to L. I. Brezhnev, he showed “false democracy”: he went to rest in an ordinary sanatorium, ate in a common dining room. The manner of conversation is assertive, uncompromising, sharp. Facial features were pointed, prickly. Sometimes rough, but open. He was large, balding, with shaggy "Brezhnev" eyebrows and a fixed, but at the same time, as if gliding look. He wore shoes size forty-four. He was reputed to be energetic, ambitious, with a career as a typical apparatchik. He considered Stalinism to be true Marxism-Leninism, therefore he did not approve of many liberal actions of N. S. Khrushchev, his criticism of I. V. Stalin and the desire to find a common language with the West. He also attributed the course towards strengthening peaceful coexistence in foreign policy to relapses of "rotten Khrushchevism". In 1965, he submitted a note to the Politburo on the division of the Committee of Party and State Control, which he headed, into two committees, arguing that this position gives too much power. As a result, he lost his post as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. On September 26, 1967, the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU relieved him of his duties as secretary of the Central Committee. He remained in the Politburo, but was transferred to the second-class post of chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions. Gradually, L. I. Brezhnev removed all his supporters - “Komsomol members” from Moscow, sending them mainly as ambassadors to unimportant countries. 06/20/1968 at a meeting of the Politburo, which discussed the issue of preparations for the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin, he proposed to hold a Leninist call to the party. In 1975, at the head of a delegation of Soviet trade unions, he unsuccessfully went to England, where he, as a former chairman of the KGB, was obstructed. Relations with L. I. Brezhnev escalated, after which he wrote a statement about his withdrawal from the Politburo. The next day after his withdrawal from the Politburo, state-owned furniture provided for his position was taken out of his apartment. Since June 1975, Deputy Chairman of the USSR State Committee for Vocational Education. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 4th - 9th convocations. He was awarded four Orders of Lenin, the Order of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Patriotic War II degree. Since April 1984 he has been a personal pensioner of federal significance. He had the right to use a company car (on call) for 16 hours a month. The last few years have been difficult. He turned to K. U. Chernenko with a request for pensions at the level of former members of the Politburo, assured that he was a consistent fighter against N. S. Khrushchev. The letter was considered at the meeting of the Politburo on 12.07. In 1983, D. F. Ustinov opposed: “In my opinion, what he received when he retired is quite enough from him. In vain he raises such a question ”(APRF. Working record of the meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU on July 12, 1983, L. 25). We agreed with the opinion of D. F. Ustinov. He limped towards the end of his life. Died in the hospital of a heart attack. He was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.

November 23, 1962 - December 9, 1965 Head of the government: Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev
Alexey Nikolaevich Kosygin Predecessor: The position was established by Georgy Vasilievich Enyutin as Chairman of the State Control Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Successor: Position abolished, Kovanov, Pavel Vasilievich as Chairman of the USSR People's Control Committee. December 25, 1958 - November 13, 1961 Head of the government: Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev Predecessor: Ivan Aleksandrovich Serov Successor: Vladimir Efimovich Semichastny

First Secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee

October 30, 1952 - March 28, 1958 Predecessor: Nikolai Alexandrovich Mikhailov Successor: Vladimir Efimovich Semichastny Birth: August 18(1918-08-18 )
Voronezh, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic Death: October 24(1994-10-24 ) (76 years old)
Moscow Russian Federation The consignment: VKP(b) since 1940 Education: MIFLI named after N. G. Chernyshevsky Awards:



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Alexander Nikolaevich Shelepin(August 18, Voronezh, - October 24, Moscow) - Soviet Komsomol, party and statesman.

In 1939-1940, as a volunteer [ ] in the ranks of the Red Army in political work, a participant in the Soviet-Finnish war (where he received frostbite in his legs).

Revision 1942
Living by the laws
High and pure
in Moscow, surrounded by a fascist horseshoe,
comrade Shelepin,
you were a communist
with all our harsh justice.

Revision 1968
On an October day
low and misty
in Moscow, surrounded by a German horseshoe,
comrade Shelepin,
you were a communist
with all our harsh justice.

1958-1964

He made an attempt to initiate the release of N. I. Eitingon and P. A. Sudoplatov from prison. Together with the Prosecutor General of the USSR R. A. Rudenko initiated early release from prison of the son of I. V. Stalin, Vasily Stalin.

From his hands, the liquidators of S. A. Bandera - B. N. Stashinsky and L. D. Trotsky - R. Mercader received awards.

From November 23, 1962 to December 9, 1965, he headed the Party and State Control Committee under the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR, while simultaneously being Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. The Committee was formed as a result of the November (1962) plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU as a result of the merger of the State Control Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Party Control Committee under the Central Committee of the CPSU.

1964-1967

He took an active part in the actions to remove N. S. Khrushchev from the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Fyodor Burlatsky calls Shelepin the main organizer of Khrushchev's removal, according to him: "The idea and plan to overthrow Khrushchev came from Alexander Shelepin and a group of his Komsomol friends."

When Brezhnev came to power, he needed a strong man who would have, so to speak, "keys" to the state security committee - in order to establish his position as a person elected to lead the party and the state. And a kind of such a tandem Brezhnev - Shelepin was formed. Brezhnev trusted Shelepin. But then, when he felt that Shelepin's attitude was changing towards Brezhnev himself...
Former head of the department of the Central Committee of the CPSU L. Zamyatin

In March 1965, during a visit headed by him and N.N. Months of the Soviet delegation to Mongolia for dinner at the house of Yu. Tsedenbal N. N. Mesyatsev "spoke about Shelepin as the future General Secretary."

Months really shouted: "Here is the future value!" - it was with me. Everyone sat drunk, perhaps the Soviet ambassador or intelligence officer informed his leadership ...

Quite unexpectedly for me, at the beginning of 1967, the Shelepin group turned to me with an offer to take part in their struggle against the Brezhnev group ...<…>... to speak first, based on my authority in the party, after which they will all speak and remove Brezhnev from the post of First Secretary.<…>The matter ended with the fact that the secretary of the MK Yegorychev, an ally of Shelepin, spoke at the Plenum of the Central Committee with a sharp but unfounded criticism of the Ministry of Defense and the Central Committee in the leadership of this ministry: Moscow, they say, is ill-prepared for a surprise attack from the United States.<…>Brezhnev understood this sortie as the beginning of an open struggle against him. After this Plenum, Shelepin was transferred to the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, and later removed from the leadership and retired. Egorychev left as ambassador to Denmark, and Semichastny was sent to party work in the Sumy region in Ukraine.

After 1967

“He is not made of iron ... he was terribly indignant at how badly the people live. For a whole month, on his instructions, we were preparing a note to the Politburo stating that it was necessary to make a bias towards the production of consumer goods, to begin technical re-equipment. But to no avail." (A.P. Biryukova)

On the issue of A. I. Solzhenitsyn discussed in 1974, he spoke in favor of arresting the writer.
In 1975-1984 worked as deputy chairman of the USSR State Committee for Vocational Education.

Family

Wife Vera Borisovna (1919-2005);
two daughters, a son (Shelepin Andrey Alexandrovich);
grandchildren Shelepin Nikolai Igorevich, Shelepin Alexander Igorevich, Shelepin Alexander Andreevich

Awards

4 orders of Lenin (including 10/28/1948)

Order of the Patriotic War, 2nd class (03/11/1985)

Order of the Red Star (02/27/1942)

other medals

Reviews

Movie incarnations

Evgeny Zharikov in the feature film "Grey Wolves", 1993

Ivanov, Igor Yurievich in the television series "Brezhnev", 2005

Memory

film "Iron Shurik" (2013, RTR)

V. Suvorov. "Aquarium". Tale

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Notes

Links

Biographies: , , , (unavailable link from 23-05-2013 (2211 days) - story , copy) , on KTOTAM.RU

F. E. Medvedev. M., 2003.

L. M. Mlechin. . M., 2004. ISBN 5-699-07638-7

Zhirnov E. // "Kommersant - Power" No. 40, 10/12/1999

L. M. MLECHIN Shelepin. M .: Young Guard, 2009 (Life of wonderful people).

An excerpt characterizing Shelepin, Alexander Nikolaevich
On Pierre, as before, they did not find moments of despair, blues and disgust for life; but the same illness, which had previously expressed itself in sharp attacks, was driven inside and did not leave him for a moment. "To what? What for? What is going on in the world?” he asked himself in bewilderment several times a day, involuntarily beginning to ponder the meaning of the phenomena of life; but knowing by experience that there were no answers to these questions, he hurriedly tried to turn away from them, took up a book, or hurried to the club, or to Apollon Nikolaevich to chat about city gossip.
“Elena Vasilyevna, who never loved anything except her body and one of the most stupid women in the world,” thought Pierre, “appears to people as the height of intelligence and refinement, and they bow before her. Napoleon Bonaparte was despised by everyone as long as he was great, and since he became a miserable comedian, Emperor Franz has been trying to offer him his daughter as an illegitimate wife. The Spaniards send prayers to God through the Catholic clergy in gratitude for having defeated the French on June 14th, and the French send prayers through the same Catholic clergy that they defeated the Spaniards on June 14th. My brother Masons swear by their blood that they are ready to sacrifice everything for their neighbor, and do not pay one ruble each for the collection of the poor and intrigue Astraeus against the Seekers of Manna, and fuss about a real Scottish carpet and about an act, the meaning of which does not know even the one who wrote it, and which no one needs. We all profess the Christian law of forgiveness of offenses and love for our neighbor - the law as a result of which we erected forty forty churches in Moscow, and yesterday we whipped a man who had run away with a whip, and the minister of the same law of love and forgiveness, the priest, gave the soldier a cross to kiss before execution " . So thought Pierre, and this whole, common, universally recognized lie, no matter how he got used to it, as if something new, every time amazed him. I understand the lies and confusion, he thought, but how can I tell them everything I understand? I tried and always found that they, in the depths of their souls, understand the same thing as I do, but they just try not to see her. It has become so necessary! But me, where do I go?” thought Pierre. He tested the unfortunate ability of many, especially Russian people, the ability to see and believe in the possibility of good and truth, and to see the evil and lies of life too clearly in order to be able to take a serious part in it. Every field of labor in his eyes was connected with evil and deceit. Whatever he tried to be, whatever he undertook, evil and lies repelled him and blocked all the paths of his activity. And meanwhile it was necessary to live, it was necessary to be busy. It was too terrible to be under the yoke of these insoluble questions of life, and he gave himself up to his first hobbies, only to forget them. He went to all sorts of societies, drank a lot, bought paintings and built, and most importantly read.
He read and read everything that came to hand, and read so that when he arrived home, when the lackeys were still undressing him, he, having already taken a book, read - and from reading he went to sleep, and from sleep to chatter in the drawing rooms and the club, from chatter to revelry and women, from revelry back to chatter, reading and wine. Drinking wine for him became more and more of a physical and at the same time a moral need. Despite the fact that the doctors told him that with his corpulence, wine was dangerous for him, he drank a lot. He felt completely well only when, without noticing how, having knocked several glasses of wine into his big mouth, he experienced pleasant warmth in his body, tenderness for all his neighbors and the readiness of his mind to superficially respond to every thought, without delving into its essence. Only after drinking a bottle and two wines did he vaguely realize that that intricate, terrible knot of life that had terrified him before was not as terrible as he thought. With a noise in his head, chatting, listening to conversations or reading after lunch and dinner, he constantly saw this knot, some side of it. But only under the influence of wine did he say to himself: “This is nothing. I will unravel this - here I have an explanation ready. But now there’s no time—I’ll think it over later!” But that never came after.
On an empty stomach, in the morning, all the previous questions seemed just as insoluble and terrible, and Pierre hurriedly grabbed a book and rejoiced when someone came to him.
Sometimes Pierre recalled a story he had heard about how, in a war, soldiers, being under fire in cover, when they had nothing to do, diligently find an occupation for themselves in order to more easily endure the danger. And to Pierre, all people seemed to be such soldiers fleeing life: some with ambition, some with cards, some with writing laws, some with women, some with toys, some with horses, some with politics, some with hunting, some with wine, some with state affairs. “There is nothing insignificant or important, it doesn’t matter: if only I can save myself from it as best I can!” thought Pierre. - "If only not to see her, this terrible her."
At the beginning of winter, Prince Nikolai Andreevich Bolkonsky and his daughter arrived in Moscow. In his past, in his intelligence and originality, especially in the weakening at that time of enthusiasm for the reign of Emperor Alexander, and in that anti-French and patriotic trend that reigned at that time in Moscow, Prince Nikolai Andreevich immediately became an object of special reverence for Muscovites and the center of the Moscow opposition to the government.
The prince has grown very old this year. Sharp signs of old age appeared in him: unexpected falling asleep, forgetfulness of the nearest events and memory of long-standing ones, and the childish vanity with which he assumed the role of the head of the Moscow opposition. Despite the fact that when the old man, especially in the evenings, went out to tea in his fur coat and powdered wig, and, touched by someone, began his abrupt stories about the past, or even more abrupt and sharp judgments about the present, he aroused in all his guests the same sense of respect. For visitors, this whole old house with huge dressing tables, pre-revolutionary furniture, these lackeys in powder, and the last century itself, a tough and smart old man with his meek daughter and pretty Frenchwoman, who were in awe of him, represented a majestically pleasant sight. But the visitors did not think that in addition to these two or three hours, during which they saw the owners, there were another 22 hours a day, during which the secret inner life of the house went on.
Recently, in Moscow, this inner life has become very difficult for Princess Marya. She was deprived in Moscow of those of her best joys - conversations with God's people and solitude - which refreshed her in the Bald Mountains, and did not have any benefits and joys of metropolitan life. She did not go out into the world; everyone knew that her father would not let her go without him, and he himself could not travel due to ill health, and she was no longer invited to dinners and evenings. Princess Marya completely abandoned hope for marriage. She saw the coldness and bitterness with which Prince Nikolai Andreevich received and sent away young people who could be suitors, who sometimes came to their house. Princess Marya had no friends: on this visit to Moscow, she was disappointed in her two closest people. M lle Bourienne, with whom she could not be completely frank before, now became unpleasant to her and for some reason she began to move away from her. Julie, who was in Moscow and to whom Princess Mary wrote for five years in a row, turned out to be a complete stranger to her when Princess Mary again met with her personally. Julie at this time, on the occasion of the death of her brothers, having become one of the richest brides in Moscow, was in the midst of social pleasures. She was surrounded by young people who, as she thought, suddenly appreciated her dignity. Julie was in that period of an aging socialite who feels that her last chance of marriage has come, and now or never her fate must be decided. Princess Mary, with a sad smile, recalled on Thursdays that now she had no one to write to, since Julie, Julie, from whose presence she had no joy, was here and saw her every week. She, like an old emigrant who refused to marry the lady with whom he spent several years of his evenings, regretted that Julie was here and she had no one to write to. Princess Mary in Moscow had no one to talk to, no one to believe her grief, and much new grief has been added during this time. The deadline for the return of Prince Andrei and his marriage was approaching, and his order to prepare his father for that was not only not fulfilled, but, on the contrary, the matter seemed to be completely spoiled, and the reminder of Countess Rostova pissed off the old prince, who had already been out of sorts for most of the time. . A new grief that has recently been added for Princess Marya was the lessons that she gave to her six-year-old nephew. In her relations with Nikolushka, she recognized with horror in herself the quality of her father's irritability. How many times she told herself that she should not allow herself to get excited when teaching her nephew, almost every time she sat down with a pointer at the French alphabet, she so wanted to quickly, easily pour her knowledge out of herself into a child who was already afraid that here was her aunt she would be angry that, at the slightest inattention on the part of the boy, she shuddered, hurried, got excited, raised her voice, sometimes pulled his hand and put him in a corner. Putting him in a corner, she herself began to weep over her evil, bad nature, and Nikolushka, imitating her sobs, would leave the corner without permission, come up to her and pull her wet hands away from her face, and console her. But more, more than anything else, the princess was distressed by her father's irritability, which was always directed against her daughter and had recently reached the point of cruelty. If he had forced her to bow down all night, if he had beaten her, forced her to carry firewood and water, it would never have occurred to her that her situation was difficult; but this loving tormentor, the most cruel because he loved and for that he tormented himself and her, deliberately knew how not only to insult and humiliate her, but also to prove to her that she was always and in everything to blame. Recently, a new trait appeared in him, which tormented Princess Mary most of all - it was his closer rapprochement with m lle Bourienne. The thought that came to him, in the first minute after receiving the news of his son’s intention, was the joke that if Andrei marries, then he himself marries Bourienne, apparently liked him, and with stubbornness lately (as it seemed to Princess Mary) only in order to insult her, he showed a special kindness to m lle Bourienne and showed his displeasure to his daughter by showing love to Bourienne.
Once in Moscow, in the presence of Princess Marya (it seemed to her that her father had done this on purpose in her presence), the old prince kissed m lle Bourienne's hand and, drawing her to him, hugged her caressingly. Princess Mary flushed and ran out of the room. A few minutes later, m lle Bourienne entered Princess Mary, smiling and telling something cheerfully in her pleasant voice. Princess Mary hurriedly wiped away her tears, with resolute steps approached Bourienne and, apparently not knowing it herself, with angry haste and outbursts of her voice, began to shout at the Frenchwoman: “It is disgusting, low, inhuman to take advantage of weakness ...” She did not finish. "Get out of my room," she screamed and sobbed.
The next day the prince did not say a word to his daughter; but she noticed that at dinner he ordered the food to be served, beginning with m lle Bourienne. At the end of dinner, when the barman, according to his old habit, again served coffee, starting with the princess, the prince suddenly became furious, threw a crutch at Philip and immediately made an order to give him to the soldiers. “They don’t hear ... they said it twice! ... they don’t hear!”
“She is the first person in this house; she is my best friend, the prince shouted. “And if you allow yourself,” he shouted in anger, addressing Princess Marya for the first time, “once again, as you dared yesterday ... to forget yourself in front of her, then I will show you who is the boss in the house. Out! so that I do not see you; ask her for forgiveness!
Princess Mary asked for forgiveness from Amalya Evgenievna and from her father for herself and for Philip the barman, who asked for spades.
At such moments, a feeling akin to the pride of the victim gathered in the soul of Princess Marya. And suddenly, at such moments, in her presence, this father, whom she condemned, either looked for glasses, feeling around them and not seeing, or forgot what was happening just now, or made a wrong step with weakened legs and looked around to see if anyone had seen him weakness, or, worst of all, at dinner, when there were no guests to excite him, he would suddenly doze off, letting go of his napkin, and leaning over the plate, his head shaking. “He is old and weak, and I dare to condemn him!” she thought with self-loathing at such moments.
In 1811, a French doctor, who quickly became fashionable, lived in Moscow, huge in stature, handsome, amiable, like a Frenchman and, as everyone in Moscow said, a doctor of extraordinary art - Metivier. He was received in the homes of high society not as a doctor, but as an equal.
Prince Nikolai Andreevich, who laughed at medicine, recently, on the advice of m lle Bourienne, allowed this doctor to visit him and got used to him. Metivier visited the prince twice a week.
On Nikolin's day, on the prince's name day, all of Moscow was at the entrance to his house, but he ordered no one to be received; but only a few, a list of which he handed over to Princess Mary, he ordered to be called to dinner.
Metivier, who arrived in the morning with congratulations, as a doctor, found it decent de forcer la consigne [to break the ban], as he said to Princess Mary, and went in to the prince. It so happened that on this birthday morning the old prince was in one of his worst moods. He spent the whole morning walking around the house, finding fault with everyone and pretending that he did not understand what was said to him, and that they did not understand him. Princess Mary was firmly aware of this state of mind of quiet and preoccupied grouchiness, which was usually resolved by an outburst of rage, and as before a loaded, cocked gun, she walked all that morning, waiting for the inevitable shot. The morning before the doctor's arrival had gone well. Missing the doctor, Princess Marya sat down with a book in the living room by the door, from which she could hear everything that was going on in the study.
At first she heard Metivier's voice alone, then her father's voice, then both voices spoke together, the door flung open and on the threshold appeared the frightened, beautiful figure of Metivier with his black crest, and the figure of the prince in a cap and dressing gown with a face disfigured by rage and lowered pupils of the eyes.
- You do not understand? - shouted the prince, - but I understand! French spy, Bonaparte slave, spy, get out of my house - get out, I say - and he slammed the door.
Metivier, shrugging his shoulders, went up to Mademoiselle Bourienne, who had come running at a cry from the next room.
“The prince is not quite well,” la bile et le transport au cerveau. Tranquillisez vous, je repasserai demain, [bile and congestion to the brain. Calm down, I'll come tomorrow,] - said Metivier and, putting his finger to his lips, hurriedly left.
Footsteps in shoes were heard outside the door and shouts: “Spies, traitors, traitors everywhere! There is no moment of peace in your house!”
After the departure of Metivier, the old prince called his daughter to him and all the strength of his anger fell upon her. It was her fault that a spy was allowed to see him. .After all, he said, he told her to make a list, and those who were not on the list should not be allowed in. Why did they let this bastard go! She was the cause of everything. With her he could not have a moment of peace, he could not die in peace, he said.
- No, mother, disperse, disperse, you know it, know it! I can't do it anymore," he said and left the room. And as if afraid that she might not be able to somehow console herself, he returned to her and, trying to assume a calm air, added: “And don’t think that I said this to you in a moment of my heart, but I am calm, and I thought it over; and it will be - disperse, look for a place for yourself! ... - But he could not stand it, and with that anger that only a person who loves can have, he, apparently suffering himself, shook his fists and shouted to her:
“And if only some fool would marry her!” - He slammed the door, called m lle Bourienne to him and fell silent in the office.
At two o'clock the chosen six persons gathered for dinner. The guests - the famous Count Rostopchin, Prince Lopukhin with his nephew, General Chatrov, the old, comrade of the prince, and young Pierre and Boris Drubetskoy - were waiting for him in the living room.
The other day, Boris, who came to Moscow on vacation, wished to be introduced to Prince Nikolai Andreevich and managed to win his favor to such an extent that the prince made an exception for him from all the unmarried young people whom he did not accept.
The prince's house was not what is called "light", but it was such a small circle, which, although it was not heard in the city, but in which it was most flattering to be received. Boris realized this a week ago, when in his presence Rostopchin told the commander-in-chief, who called the count to dine on Nikolin's day, that he could not be:
- On this day, I always go to venerate the relics of Prince Nikolai Andreevich.
“Oh, yes, yes,” answered the commander-in-chief. - What he?..
The small society, gathered in the old-fashioned, high, with old furniture, drawing room before dinner, looked like a solemn meeting of the council of the court. Everyone was silent, and if they spoke, they spoke quietly. Prince Nikolai Andreevich came out serious and silent. Princess Mary seemed even more quiet and timid than usual. The guests were reluctant to address her, because they saw that she had no time for their conversations. Count Rostopchin alone kept the thread of the conversation, talking about the latest urban or political news.
Lopukhin and the old general occasionally took part in the conversation. Prince Nikolai Andreevich listened as the supreme judge listened to the report that was being made to him, only occasionally stating in silence or in a short word that he took note of what was being reported to him. The tone of the conversation was such that it was understandable that no one approved of what was being done in the political world. Events were recounted, apparently confirming that things were going from bad to worse; but in every story and judgment, it was amazing how the narrator stopped or was stopped every time at the border where the judgment could relate to the face of the Emperor.
At dinner, the conversation turned to the latest political news, about the seizure of the possessions of the Duke of Oldenburg by Napoleon, and about the Russian note, hostile to Napoleon, sent to all European courts.
“Bonaparte treats Europe like a pirate on a conquered ship,” said Count Rostopchin, repeating a phrase he had already spoken several times. - You are only surprised at the patience or blindness of sovereigns. Now it comes to the pope, and Bonaparte no longer hesitates to overthrow the head of the Catholic religion, and everyone is silent! One of our sovereign protested against the seizure of the possessions of the Duke of Oldenburg. And then ... - Count Rostopchin fell silent, feeling that he stood at the point where it was no longer possible to condemn.

Plan:

1 Biography
- 1.1 1958-1967
- 1.2 After 1967
- 1.3 Family
2 Reviews of colleagues

Introduction

Alexander Nikolaevich Shelepin(August 18, 1918, Voronezh - October 24, 1994, Moscow) - a prominent Soviet Komsomol, party and statesman.

Member of the CPSU (b) since 1940, member of the CPSU Central Committee (1952-1976), member of the Presidium (Politburo) of the CPSU Central Committee (1964-1975). Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1954-1979).

During his years in the KGB, he was nicknamed "Iron Shurik".

1. Biography

“He was democratic in spirit, by nature. He loved a joke, he loved a prank, in general he was a nice and handsome guy ”(N. N. Mesyatsev).

Born in the family of a railway employee Nikolai Georgievich.

He graduated from high school with honors. Member of the Komsomol since 1934. Since 1936 in Moscow. In 1936-1939 and in 1940-1941 he studied at the Faculty of History of the Moscow Institute of Philosophy, Literature and History. N. G. Chernyshevsky, graduate of the Department of the Foundations of Marxism-Leninism. In 1939-1940, he volunteered in the ranks of the Red Army for political work, a participant in the Soviet-Finnish war.

Excerpt from the poem "Zoya" M. Aliger

On an October day
low and misty
in Moscow, surrounded by a German horseshoe,
comrade Shelepin,
you were a communist
with all our harsh justice.

She answered first standing,
moving eyebrows at each answer:
- Surname?
- Kosmodemyanskaya. - Name? - Zoya.
- Year of birth? - Twenty third.

Since 1940, at work in the Moscow City Committee of the Komsomol: instructor, head of the military physical education department, secretary. In the autumn of 1941, he was engaged in the selection of volunteers for partisan detachments and sabotage behind enemy lines (among whom was Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya). The story of Kosmodemyanskaya reached I.V. Stalin, which led to a personal meeting between the leader and a young Komsomol worker and marked the beginning of the latter’s rapid career.

Since May 1943, the secretary, and since 1949 the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol. In 1952-1958 he was the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.

In 1957, he supervised the preparation and holding of the sixth World Festival of Youth and Students in Moscow.

1.1. 1958-1967

In April 1958, he was appointed head of the Department of Party Organs of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the Union Republics.

From December 25, 1958 to November 14, 1961, Chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

REFERENCE: Shelepin refused to be appointed [Chairman of the KGB]. Khrushchev didactically explained that work in the KGB is the same party-political work, but with specifics. The KGB needs a fresh person who would be intolerant of any abuses on the part of the Chekists. And in conclusion, Shelepin recalled, Nikita Sergeevich suddenly said: “I have another request for you: do everything so that they don’t overhear me.”

He refused the rank of general upon appointment; was put forward by N. S. Khrushchev with the task of restructuring the work of the Committee in accordance with the decisions of the XX Party Congress: to accelerate de-Stalinization and eradicate violations of socialist legality. He carried out a large-scale reorganization of the Committee with a reduction in the working apparatus by several thousand people, while actively recruiting people from the Komsomol; fundamentally rebuilt the structure of the Committee instead of targeted operational units by forming a single centralized management body.

During the recall of Soviet advisers from China, the Committee remained the only Soviet department that retained ties with China.

"I want to radically reorient the KGB to international affairs, internal ones should go to the tenth plan."

He made an attempt to initiate the release of N. I. Eitingon and P. A. Sudoplatov from prison. Together with the Prosecutor General of the USSR R. A. Rudenko, he initiated the early release from prison of the son of I. V. Stalin, Vasily Stalin.

From his hands, the liquidators of S. A. Bandera B. N. Stashinsky and L. D. Trotsky R. Mercader received awards. [ ]

From October 1961 to September 1967 - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, was elected on the last day of the XXII Party Congress at the organizational Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Also, from November 1962 to December 1965, he headed the Committee of Party and State Control of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR (KPPK), while simultaneously being Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

During the unrest in Novocherkassk in 1962, at the scene of events from June 1 (arrived with A.P. Kirilenko), he took part in the adoption of "the decision to deal with" troublemakers "".

He took an active part in the actions to remove N. S. Khrushchev from the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

When Brezhnev came to power, he needed a strong man who would have, so to speak, "keys" to the state security committee - in order to establish his position as a person elected to lead the party and the state. And a kind of such a tandem Brezhnev - Shelepin was formed. Brezhnev trusted Shelepin. But then, when he felt that Shelepin's attitude was changing towards Brezhnev himself...

Former head of the department of the Central Committee of the CPSU L. Zamyatin

In March 1965, during a visit to Mongolia by the Soviet delegation headed by him and N. N. Monthsev, at a dinner at Y. Tsedenbal’s house, N. N. Mesyatsev “spoke of Shelepin as the future Secretary General.”

Months really shouted: "Here is the future value!" - it was with me. Everyone sat drunk, perhaps the Soviet ambassador or intelligence officer informed his leadership ...

A. I. Filatova,

He headed the Soviet party and government delegation to Vietnam in 1966.

1.2. After 1967

In 1967-1975 he was the chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions.

On the issue of A. I. Solzhenitsyn discussed in 1974, he spoke in favor of arresting the writer.

During a visit to Great Britain in 1975, at the head of a trade union delegation, he was greeted there by mass protests. The scandal was used as a basis for removing the Central Committee from the Politburo.

“Dear Leonid Ilyich! Excuse me that despite your enormous employment, I decided to address you with this letter. You know that I devoted my whole life to serving the great cause of the Leninist Party. From 1934 to 1958 he was at Komsomol work, and from 1958 to the last days - at party and trade union work. During the Finnish war, where he was a volunteer from the first to the last day of the war, he was severely frostbite; During the Great Patriotic War he was shell-shocked and wounded. A few years ago, he underwent surgery (the gallbladder was cut out). All this affects my health, and especially in recent years, although I patiently endure it and do not complain to doctors, to whom I very, very rarely turn.
In the light of these and other circumstances, I have decided to turn to you, dear Leonid Ilyich, with a convincing request: to transfer me to retirement as an exception. I beg you, Leonid Ilyich, I earnestly ask you to grant this request of mine. You know that this is my only request to you, since I have never addressed you with personal requests. Believe me, I have carefully considered everything and therefore I turn to you with this urgent request. And therefore, I ask you, dear Leonid Ilyich, to satisfy her.
Everything that you have done good for me in life, I will never forget until the end of my days ”(First letter to Brezhnev after being removed from the Politburo of the Central Committee).

“Dear Leonid Ilyich! I asked you to grant me a pension. As Comrade told me. Suslov M.A., this letter caused a corresponding reaction in you and other comrades. Leonid Ilyich! I did this for the sole purpose of putting myself in order a little and healing. And then ask the Central Committee of the CPSU to give me any job, without which I cannot imagine my life.
Believe me that I did this in a moment of weakness, and I ask you to forgive me for this. If this is possible, then I ask you to return that letter of mine to me, and consider that it did not exist ”(Second letter to Brezhnev after being removed from the Politburo of the Central Committee).

After that, he worked as deputy chairman of the USSR State Committee for Vocational Education.

Member of the CPSU (b) since 1940, member of the Central Committee of the CPSU (1952-1976). Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1954-1979).

Retired since 1984.

He was buried in Moscow at the Novodevichy Cemetery (6 units).

Awarded 4 orders of Lenin, the Order of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Patriotic War II degree, the Order of the Red Star (1942), medals: "Partisan of the Patriotic War II degree", "For the defense of Moscow", "For valiant labor in the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 years, and other awards.

1.3. Family

Wife - Vera Borisovna, two daughters were born in marriage.

2. Feedback from colleagues

“He is not made of iron ... he was terribly indignant at how badly the people live. For a whole month, on his instructions, we were preparing a note to the Politburo stating that it was necessary to make a bias towards the production of consumer goods, to begin technical re-equipment. But to no avail." (A.P. Biryukova)

Notes

An allusion to the nickname "Iron Felix" by F. E. Dzerzhinsky.
Author's publication - www.rustrana.ru/article.php?nid=346823 Philip Bobkov about A. N. Shelepin
What was accomplished, as Philip Bobkov testifies: “From the end of 1959, the structure of the Committee was built in such a way that it (KGB - Note) was removed from internal problems - under Khrushchev, all structures that studied them were liquidated” - www. redstar.ru/2002/11/12_11/1_031.html.
“On June 2, 1994, the Chief Military Prosecutor’s Office confirmed that the decision to crack down on the “troublemakers” was made by the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU Kozlov, Mikoyan, Polyansky, Kirilenko, Ilyichev, Shelepin, and the decision to use weapons was sanctioned by Khrushchev” (“Moscow News”, May 28, 2004) - planeri.ru/inf/Na_etoi_nedele190_let.html.
Moskovsky Komsomolets, October 15-22, 1998

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Similar essays: Shelepin , Shelepin Leonid Alexandrovich , Shelepin Yuri Alexandrovich , Alexander Nikolaevich , Alexander II Nikolaevich , Hort Alexander Nikolaevich .

Categories: Personalities in alphabetical order , Members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU ,

Alexander Nikolaevich Shelepin(1918 - 1994) was born in Voronezh in the family of a railway employee. He graduated with honors from high school, after which he entered the Faculty of History of the Moscow Institute of Philosophy, Literature and History. N.G. Chernyshevsky (in 1936 - 1939 and 1940 - 1941), but wars prevented him from completing his education - at first the Soviet-Finnish (where he was a volunteer), and after the Great Patriotic War.

Since 1934 member of the Komsomol. Since 1940 member of the CPSU (b); is in the Komsomol work in the Moscow city committee of the Komsomol, which serves as a "cover" for the selection of personnel for the Soviet military intelligence and the NKVD. In the autumn of 1941 coordinates the recruitment of volunteers in Moscow for partisan detachments and sabotage in the German rear (through the Komsomol). Thanks to him, the feat of Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, who was among the volunteers, became known to everyone. When this story reached Stalin, he ordered Shelepin to be "promoted" to a leadership position, and in 1943 he became secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee, and in 1952-1958. led this organization.

In 1958 A.N. Shelepin was appointed head of the Department of Party Organs of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the Union Republics, and in December of the same year, at the initiative of N.S. Khrushchev, he became the Chairman of the KGB. Shelepin's task was reduced to the "de-Stalinization" of the KGB - there was a "cleansing" of the KGB from employees objectionable to N. Khrushchev, begun by I.A. Serov. The structure of the KGB changed - Shelepin replaced the target operational units with a single Central Office of the KGB. He believed that the KGB should be engaged in foreign policy intelligence activities - the study of the internal problems of the USSR was practically stopped by him, and all units involved in these matters were liquidated. The damage from such a one-sided "reorientation" of the KGB to "foreign policy" is obvious: the Politburo turned out to be "not aware" of the negative consequences of "developing virgin lands", the rapid rise in prices, and the growing discontent of the population.

The "foreign policy" activities of the KGB under Shelepin were a failure. From the "reforms" of Shelepin, the KGB, as intelligence, did not win. There is much more bureaucracy, but efficiency has not increased.

A.N. Shelepin initiated the release from prison of intelligence officers P. Sudoplatov and N. Eitington, Stalin’s son Vasily, the abolition of the decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU “On the magazines Zvezda and Leningrad”, which led to the rehabilitation of A. Akhmatova, M. Tsvetaeva, M. .Zoshchenko. He opposed the persecution of B.L. Pasternak. In 1959 Shelepin initiated the abolition of repressive decisions against the peoples evicted by Stalin - the Chechens, Ingush, etc. From the hands of Shelepin received their titles of Heroes of the Soviet Union B. Stashinsky - the murderer of S. Bandera; R. Mercader - the murderer of L. Trotsky.

In 1961 Shelepin is transferred from the KGB to party work: in 1962. - Chairman of the Party Control Committee under the Central Committee of the CPSU, Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU; until 1965 - at the same time Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

In 1962 - one of the initiators of the execution of workers' protests in Novocherkassk.

Shelepin took an active part in the preparation of the overthrow of N.S. Khrushchev in October 1964, together with P.A. Kirilenko, M.A. Suslov, N.V. Podgorny and others, supporting L.I. Brezhnev. At first, Brezhnev had a positive attitude towards Shelepin, but he, feeling the proximity of the "higher power", began to group around him dissatisfied with Brezhnev's policies. The unofficial "mouthpiece" of the Shelepin group (nicknamed "Iron Shurik" - by analogy with "Iron Felix") was the publishing house "Young Guard".

Shelepin's ideas boiled down to the need to replace communist ideology with Russian nationalism with an anti-Semitic "roll" and increased Russification of the peoples of the USSR, as well as the need for a tough fight against corruption by recreating the "relaxed" after 1953. power vertical. Also, Shelepin repeatedly publicly resented the low standard of living of the population, due to which he tried to raise his personal authority in the country.

But Shelepin “pulled” the “blanket” on himself so clearly that Brezhnev outplayed him, and the figures of the Politburo, decisive in importance, did not follow Shelepin. In 1967 Shelepin was transferred to the post of chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions - an honorary, but powerless, where he worked until 1975. Once in the background, A.Shelepin drank heavily, and his health soon deteriorated. Repeatedly tried to achieve political rehabilitation in the eyes of Brezhnev, to whom he wrote many letters; came up with the idea of arresting A.I. Solzhenitsyn

Alexander Nikolaevich Shelepin(August 18, 1918, Voronezh - October 24, 1994, Moscow) - Soviet Komsomol, party and statesman.

Member of the CPSU (b) - CPSU since 1940; member of the Central Committee of the CPSU (1952-1976); member of the Presidium (Politburo) of the Central Committee of the CPSU (1964-1975). Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1954-1979); Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (1967-1975).

As a student, he received the nickname "Iron Shurik" for his careerism.

Born in the family of a railway employee Nikolai Georgievich Shelepin (1890-1968).

Excerpt from the poem "Zoya" M. Aliger

On an October day, low and hazy, in Moscow, surrounded by a German horseshoe, Comrade Shelepin, you were a communist with all our harsh justice.

Since 1940, at work in the Moscow City Committee of the Komsomol (MGK): instructor, head of the military physical education department, secretary. In the autumn of 1941, he was engaged in the selection of volunteers for partisan detachments and sabotage behind enemy lines (among whom was Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya). The story of Kosmodemyanskaya reached I.V. Stalin, which led to a personal meeting between the leader and a young Komsomol worker and marked the beginning of the latter’s rapid career.

Since May 1943, the secretary, and since 1949 the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol. In 1952-1958 he was the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.

In 1957, he supervised the preparation and holding of the VI World Festival of Youth and Students in Moscow.

1958-1964

In April 1958, he was appointed head of the Department of Party Organs of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the Union Republics.

From December 25, 1958 to November 14, 1961, Chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR (KGB of the USSR). At the same time, it should be mentioned that Shelepin refused the appointment. Khrushchev didactically explained that work in the KGB is the same party-political work, but with specifics. The KGB needs a fresh person who would be intolerant of any abuses on the part of the Chekists. And in conclusion, Shelepin recalled, Nikita Sergeevich suddenly said: “I have another request for you: do everything so that they don’t overhear me.”

He refused the rank of general upon appointment; was put forward by N. S. Khrushchev with the task of restructuring the work of the Committee in accordance with the decisions of the XX Party Congress: to accelerate de-Stalinization and eradicate violations of socialist legality. He carried out a large-scale reorganization of the Committee with a reduction in the working apparatus by several thousand people, while actively recruiting people from the Komsomol; fundamentally rebuilt the structure of the Committee, instead of target operational units, forming a single centralized management body.

During the recall of Soviet advisers from China, the Committee remained the only Soviet department that retained ties with China.

From the very beginning of his management of the KGB structure, he said:

This direction of the KGB’s work was made a reality, as Philip Bobkov testifies: “From the end of 1959, the structure of the Committee was built in such a way that the KGB was removed from internal problems - under Khrushchev, all structures that studied them were liquidated.” Elsewhere, Bobkov notes: “In the early 1960s, when fundamental structural changes took place in the KGB ... Operational work was completely transferred to the sphere of channels to combat the penetration of foreign intelligence into the country. From control over the environment, which these intelligence agencies intended to use in order to undermine the constitutional order of the country, the state security agencies were essentially removed.

From his hands, the liquidators of S. A. Bandera - B. N. Stashinsky and L. D. Trotsky - R. Mercader received awards. From October 1961 to September 1967 - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, was elected on the last day of the XXII Party Congress at the organizational Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Also, from November 1962 to December 1965, he headed the Committee of Party and State Control of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR (KPPK), while simultaneously being Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

During the unrest in Novocherkassk in 1962, on the scene from June 1 (arrived with A.P. Kirilenko), he took part in the adoption of "the decision to deal with the" troublemakers "".

1964-1967

When Brezhnev came to power, he needed a strong man who would have, so to speak, "keys" to the state security committee - in order to establish his position as a person elected to lead the party and the state. And a kind of such a tandem Brezhnev - Shelepin was formed. Brezhnev trusted Shelepin. But then, when he felt that Shelepin's attitude was changing towards Brezhnev himself...
Former head of the department of the Central Committee of the CPSU L. Zamyatin

In March 1965, during a visit to Mongolia by the Soviet delegation headed by him and N. N. Mesyatsev, at the house of Y. Tsedenbal, N. N. Mesyatsev “spoke of Shelepin as the future Secretary General.”

Months really shouted: "Here is the future value!" - it was with me. Everyone sat drunk, perhaps the Soviet ambassador or intelligence officer informed his leadership ...
A. I. Filatova,

In 1966 he headed the Soviet party and government delegation to Vietnam.

According to the memoirs of A. Mikoyan:

Quite unexpectedly for me, at the beginning of 1967, the Shelepin group turned to me with an offer to take part in their struggle against the Brezhnev group ...<…>... to speak first, based on my authority in the party, after which they will all speak and remove Brezhnev from the post of First Secretary.<…>The matter ended with the fact that the secretary of the MK Yegorychev, an ally of Shelepin, spoke at the Plenum of the Central Committee with a sharp but unfounded criticism of the Ministry of Defense and the Central Committee in the leadership of this ministry: Moscow, they say, is ill-prepared for a surprise attack from the United States.<…>Brezhnev understood this sortie as the beginning of an open struggle against him. After this Plenum, Shelepin was transferred to the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, and later removed from the leadership and retired. Egorychev left as ambassador to Denmark, and Semichastny was sent to party work in the Sumy region in Ukraine.

After 1967

In 1967-1975 he was the chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions.

“He is not made of iron ... he was terribly indignant at how badly the people live. For a whole month, on his instructions, we were preparing a note to the Politburo stating that it was necessary to make a bias towards the production of consumer goods, to begin technical re-equipment. But to no avail." (A.P. Biryukova)

On the issue of A. I. Solzhenitsyn discussed in 1974, he spoke in favor of arresting the writer.

As Professor Volkogonov noted, Shelepin, among other things, was reproached for the fact that he began to show, according to Brezhnev, "false democracy": he went to rest not at a special dacha, but at an ordinary sanatorium and began to go to eat in a common dining room.

In 1975-84. worked as deputy chairman of the USSR State Committee for Vocational Education.

Since 1984 - a personal pensioner of allied significance.

He was buried in Moscow at the Novodevichy Cemetery (6 units).

Family

Wife Vera Borisovna (1919-2005);
- two daughters, a son;
  - grandchildren Shelepin Nikolay Igorevich, Shelepin Alexander Igorevich, Shelepin Andrey Andreevich